Baydzar Toroslar, who had been facing health issues for approximately three years, will be honored with a funeral service on Thursday, April 9, at the St. Vartanantz Armenian Church in New Jersey. The ceremony will begin at 11:00 AM local time. Condolences will be accepted on Wednesday, April 8, between 4:00 PM and 8:00 PM local time at the Joseph Z. Konopka Funeral Home (9046 Palisade Ave, North Bergen, NJ, 07047).

Ferman Toroslar was born in 1936 in the village of Kerho, in the Mutki district of Bitlis. In 1938, as part of the Settlement Law (İskân Kanunu), he was exiled with his family to the village of Kızıltepe in the Osmancık district of Çorum. Due to this forced relocation, the family lived a life of exile under harsh conditions for many years before finally being settled in Kurtalan, Siirt.

Sent to Istanbul in 1954 to find work, Ferman Toroslar later married and settled in Diyarbakır. It was 1959 when the entire family eventually migrated to Istanbul. Throughout his life, Ferman Toroslar worked various jobs, including shepherding, street vending, and shopkeeping, to persevere. The family permanently settled in the United States 14 years ago.

As Agos, we express our deepest condolences and wish patience to the Toroslar family.

(See also: Ferman Toroslar’s ‘Exile’: The Story of All the Marginalized – Karin Karakaşlı)

The geopolitical threshold at which Armenia currently finds itself — the regional uncertainty created by the ongoing war in Iran, a new field of vulnerability stretching from energy corridors to border security — makes such an argument both plausible and effective. It would be easy, but incomplete, to dismiss the use of "fear" — the most primal, most destabilizing and electorally fastest-acting emotion upon which politics can be built — as nothing more than a self-preservation tactic.

In terms of political realities, the government's claim contains a substantial and legitimate kernel of truth. In recent years, Armenia's government entered a painful yet real process of normalization with Azerbaijan and Turkey, signed off on border delimitation efforts, and attempted to build a new status quo around Western-backed visions such as the "Peace Crossroads" and/or TRIPP (Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity). All these processes may be incomplete, contested, or uncomfortable for many. But the question the government poses: what happens if the status quo is dismantled? The answer to that question is clearly not merely diplomatic tension, but a direct security risk.

The reversal of international agreements, the non-recognition of border accords, or the re-introduction of maximalist demands can be assessed as steps capable of producing military consequences within the existing balance of power. The government's claim that "demands to revise the agreements would trigger war" is therefore not entirely without foundation. Of course, it is possible to argue that the current peace line concedes too much, to insist that the process lacks transparency, or to claim that national interests have not been adequately protected. The warning of war may even be politically instrumentalized — but it is not a fear manufactured from nothing. Yet the question that follows these criticisms, whose answer remains unclear: what, then, is the alternative?

Opposition blocs representing the old regime and traditional nationalist codes in particular argue that this "war" threat is being wielded as a tool of blackmail to conceal the government's domestic failures, corruption, and weaknesses in foreign policy — and they openly declare that, upon coming to power, they will roll back these concessions, demand revisions to the agreements reached, and refuse to recognize the border accords.

Can the opposition elites, who claim to possess statecraft, truly fail to foresee that tearing up existing agreements upon taking power would likely lead to war? One must assume that Armenia's opposition is well aware that a reversal of current gains would unleash a storm in the Caucasus and that a potential war could threaten the very existence of the state. Yet, much like many populist oppositions around the world that collide with the bare realities of governance upon reaching power, it is far more likely they would declare: "We inherited the state in this condition; continuity in international agreements is paramount; we have no choice but to stay the course" and end up defending the very peace environment and normalization currently pursued by Pashinyan.

If they would sustain this peace process upon coming to power, why do they not — or cannot they — honestly admit this to voters and offer a more reasonable alternative? Because they are held hostage by their own base's rage. The sole fuel keeping the traditional opposition alive today is the illusion of "revenge and honor" forged from the trauma, anger, and nationalist nostalgia born of the defeat in Karabakh. That is why they are compelled to say "we will cancel the agreements" even knowing it to be impossible. The political cost of honesty, otherwise, is high enough to eliminate their very reason for existence.

As was evident in the analyses we published in recent weeks, the determining factor in Armenian elections is not party vote shares alone. More decisive is the degree of trust voters place in the political system and how that trust translates at the ballot box. The high proportion of undecided voters, the size of the electorate saying, "I trust no politician" and the uncertainty around turnout all emerge as factors capable of directly shaping the election outcome. It is precisely at this point that the war in Iran can produce a powerful psychological multiplier effect before the elections. A conflict continuing just across the border can dramatically alter risk perceptions and entirely suppress voters' appetite for risk. Under normal circumstances, economic hardship, inflation, or governance failures might shape electoral behavior but in an environment where the possibility of war is felt, these concerns can recede to the background, and the voter's priority may shift from better governance to survival.

Today in Armenia, the election has therefore evolved from a question of political change into a massive exercise in risk assessment, and voters will choose not between alternatives but between probabilities. In this context, the ruling party's security-based discourse becomes not merely a campaign strategy but a frame that speaks directly to the current psychology of the electorate.

The opposition's most fundamental problem is not its inability to refute the ruling party's language of "fear" but its failure to construct a more credible security narrative to replace it. As long as it cannot offer or provide a convincing answer to voters a "warless, bloodless, and honest alternative", it may be able to grow its vote share, but winning the election looks difficult.

One thing is worth remembering: elections run on anger — but fear tends to decide outcomes. Unless something larger reshapes the landscape before June 2026, the result will ultimately be determined by which of these two emotions carries more weight.

Lebanon is facing a new war, while the wounds of the previous one have yet to heal. In the course of about three weeks, more than one million people have been displaced, in other words, about 20 percent of the population, with many displaced for a second, even third or fourth time. More than 1,200 deaths and 3,500 injuries have been recorded, including members of medical staff, journalists, rescue workers, and humanitarian workers. Infrastructure has been destroyed, including hospitals, schools, bridges, and water and electricity supply systems. Some of the displaced are in shelters, while the rest are with acquaintances, in rented apartments, or on the street. 

Israel is primarily brutally bombing southern Lebanon, the southern suburbs of Beirut, and the Bekaa region in the north. The remaining areas endure the insecurity sown by the war, collateral damage from targeted attacks, fear of resource depletion, distress from Israeli jets breaking the sound barrier, unemployment, and psychological distress. 

In the absence of internal unity, the country's social life is in as much disarray as its political disagreements. Naturally, all humanitarian organizations across Lebanon are fully engaged in supplying aid to the citizens housed in shelters, yet the voices of those segments of Lebanese society who consider the country's entanglement in the Israel–United States versus Iran war as a blow to the country in itself are loud.

I follow the country's internal divisions and try to alternate between detaching myself from daily life and empathizing with the victims. A few nights ago, for the first time in my life, I experienced the "fight, flight, freeze" response when an Israeli fighter jet flew quite low for hours, abruptly jolting me from sleep. I found my body frozen, unable to move, curled up like a hedgehog. Only my brain and ears were working, and even they were focused solely on gauging how close the jet was to us. I don't remember falling back asleep, but the memory of my helplessness and being nailed in place is etched into my mind like a tattoo. Until that moment, "flight" had been my dominant response. The habit of fleeing to "safer" places, such as a shelter or a corridor, seems to have been passed down through my genes from my parents, who lived through the 1975–1990 war. Because of that, my reaction to every bombing or sonic boom would automatically send me to a corridor. But that night, my fear and uncertainty felt different; my desire to survive was unusually intense.

Yet amid it all, the spirit of fight/resistance remains, not as a reaction, but as a principle: to fight against/resist the hegemonic and colonialist agendas imposed on us.

It all started when the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) imposed an administrative fine and a 5-time broadcast suspension on the program Açık Gazete and Açık Radyo due to a guest using the term "Armenian Genocide" in the program on April 24, 2024.

Following the fine and suspension penalties, RTÜK canceled Açık Radyo's broadcast license on the grounds that it did not implement the broadcast suspension decision. Let's make a note here: The Açık Radyo team, who paid the administrative fines, stated that they could not access the attachment containing the broadcast suspension dates in the board decisions notified electronically by RTÜK due to technical reasons. During this process, radio lawyers asked RTÜK officials when the broadcast suspension dates would be notified, and received the answer that "the information was in the attachment of the notification and the dates had already passed." In their application on July 2, 2024, RTÜK was informed that the relevant attachment could not be opened and therefore the dates were unknown, and a new date was requested from the institution in writing. However, RTÜK did not respond to the application and canceled the radio's license on the grounds that the broadcast suspension measures were not complied with. Consequently, Açık Radyo's terrestrial broadcasts were stopped by RTÜK on October 16, 2024. The radio began its internet broadcasts on November 8.

Following these events, the legal struggle continues both for the resumption of Açık Radyo's broadcasts and on the basis of freedom of expression.

Ömer Madra: This process is a blatant injustice

After nearly two years, Açık Radyo and its legal team organized a press and public meeting to share developments regarding the ongoing judicial process with the public. At the meeting held on Tuesday, March 31 (today) at Tütün Deposu (Tobacco Warehouse), the radio's co-founder and editor-in-chief Ömer Madra, broadcast coordinator İlksen Mavituna, and Açık Radyo lawyers Ümit Altaş and Erdem Türkekul made statements regarding the process and answered questions.

Ömer Madra began his speech with the words, "We are in one of the most terrifying periods of modern history on earth. The world is in a great crisis; we are in a mud pit where we are submerged up to our throats." Describing the process as "a blatant injustice and a wall we face" while explaining the legal struggle waged by Açık Radyo, Madra used the following expressions:

"For the last year and a half, we have been quietly trying to express this 'blatant' injustice. However, despite all the in-depth legal opinions, all the technical expert reports, all the legal precedents, and all the evidence we have presented, the only answer we get in the lawsuits is the sentence 'In accordance with the law,' which is built in front of us like a wall. To say it as an allusion to the great poet Tevfik Fikret: 'In the name of the law, the law was trampled upon...'

Throughout the case, we tried to address important points regarding freedom of expression, the right to receive news, the right to access news, and the duty to report news. By the very nature of independent broadcasting, neither Açık Radyo nor any other media organization subjects its guests or programmers to a self-censorship mechanism. Penalizing a broadcasting organization over the pronunciation of certain concepts is a common problem not only for Açık Radyo but for all serious media organs and organizations in Turkey, and poses an extremely serious problem for the freedom of broadcasting in the country."

"You cannot say 'Armenian Genocide' on the radio"

Following Madra, lawyer Ümit Altaş took the floor. Altaş began by saying, "Mr. Ömer gave the simplest summary of this struggle we have been waging for two years with the concepts of 'blatant' and 'wall.' We are faced with a blatant injustice; despite all our statements, there is constantly a wall in front of us," and then explained the legal process.

Altaş stated that the lawsuits filed by Açık Radyo were rejected. He conveyed that in the court's reasoning, the individual use of the term "Armenian Genocide" was considered within the scope of freedom of expression, but the same expression was not seen within this scope in a radio broadcast:

"On June 14, 2024, we filed a cancellation lawsuit in the Ankara 21st Administrative Court. In our petition, we demonstrated that the expressions in question were within the scope of freedom of expression; and that imposing a penalty due to the words of a guest participating in a live broadcast, without evaluating the purpose of providing news, was unlawful.

We relied on the precedents of the Constitutional Court, the Council of State, and the ECHR, as well as academic opinions. However, we were faced with a wall again. The court rejected the lawsuit. In the reasoning, it was stated that the expression 'genocide' could disturb a section of society. What is even more striking is this: It was said that if this expression is spoken individually, it can be considered freedom of expression, but when a radio broadcast is in question, it cannot be evaluated within this scope. In other words, the court adopted an approach that restricts freedom of expression based on the medium.

The court played the role of the academy without making any statement regarding the determination of 'historical reality,' and did not provide any explanation as to how the expressions 'referred to as genocide' and 'Armenian genocide commemoration' used by our guest could 'provoke the public to hatred and hostility and create feelings of hatred,' nor how it posed a clear and present danger.

Our detailed appeal against the rejection decision was rejected by the Ankara Regional Administrative Court's 10th Administrative Law Chamber with only a single-sentence justification: 'The decision is in accordance with procedure and law, and there is no reason requiring its reversal.' Finally, on February 20, 2026, a cassation appeal was filed with a request for a stay of execution and a hearing. The file is under review at the Council of State."

"This is a struggle for freedom of expression"

"In this process that has been going on for nearly two years, the heaviest administrative sanctions were applied to our radio by picking out words out of context, without evaluating the whole and the purpose of the program, due to an expression used by a guest participating in a live news broadcast, which is clearly within the scope of freedom of expression according to both established national and supranational jurisprudence. The activities of a broadcasting organization were completely stopped in an unfair manner with a disproportionate and unmeasured intervention, without evaluating the petitions, evidence, and statements we submitted.

This picture is not just an action against our institution; it is a serious violation of freedom of expression, press freedom, and the principle of the rule of law. Our legal struggle continues before the Council of State. Our goal in this process is to defend not only the rights of our institution but also freedom of expression, the freedom and right to receive and provide news, which should apply to everyone."

A Christian living in Sukaylabiyah who did not want to be named for security reasons provided the following information regarding the incident to SyriacPress: “The incident began when two individuals arriving on motorcycles from the settlement named Qalaat al-Madiq harassed Christian women on Al-Meshwar Street in the city. This situation led to a clash between the attackers and local youth. It was stated that one of the attackers threatened those around him by showing a hand grenade and then fled the scene. The attackers, who later returned accompanied by security patrols, pointed out the youth, leading to the detention of several young men.

Afterwards, an unidentified large armed group entered the city and opened fire, threatened the public with death, attacked shops and passing vehicles, and forced shopkeepers to close their businesses. Some members of the group attempted to enter homes. According to witnesses, all of these events took place right before the eyes of the security forces. The security forces did not make any intervention to stop the incidents or arrest the attackers.

Four youth detained

By midnight, security forces had still not brought the situation under control and had not closed the roads leading to Sukaylabiyah. Order could only be partially restored with the arrival of reinforcements from surrounding areas, especially the Karnaz and Hemto countryside. However, instead of the attackers, security forces detained four youth from Sukaylabiyah. Between approximately 1:00 AM and 3:30 AM, the townspeople held a sit-in, and as a result of this action, the four detained individuals were released.

Another source speaking to SyriacPress stated that reports of a reconciliation being achieved between Sukaylabiyah and Qalaat al-Madiq are not true. The same source stated that to show their anger and dissatisfaction, the townspeople declared a three-day general strike and that shops would be kept closed. The source also emphasized that many people were severely injured as a result of the attack and that this was not an isolated incident. It was stated that similar incidents have occurred in Sukaylabiyah over the past 10 days, and that these attacks came not only from Qalaat al-Madiq but also from other surrounding areas.

It was also shared that attacks targeting some businesses and the townspeople are continuing, though no loss of life has occurred in the attacks.

Attack protested

On Saturday, March 28, the residents of the predominantly Christian town protested the attack. To express the public anger felt against the silence of the church in the face of systematized attacks targeting Christians in Syria and to reject the reconciliation reports, the crowd carried banners and shouted slogans such as "No to a single-colored army," "We demand that the security forces involved in the incident be held accountable and demand compensation for property damage," and "No to the desecration of holy places." The crowd later held a march.

Patriarchs held a meeting

Patriarchs in Syria:
“We condemn what occurred in Al-Suqaylibiyah and pray for peace and stability in Syria”

Damascus, March 29, 2026

His Beatitude John X, Patriarch of Antioch and All the East of the Greek Orthodox Church;
His Holiness Mor Ignatius Aphrem II, Patriarch of… pic.twitter.com/WFRTGzZnbr

— Mor Aphrem II (@MorAphremII) March 29, 2026

Reactions to the attack came from non-governmental organizations, political parties, and many sectors. Christian patriarchs in Syria also held a meeting regarding the matter and published a written statement on their X account. The following statements were used in the announcement: “Patriarch John X of the Greek Orthodox Church of Antioch and All the East, Patriarch Mor Ignatius Aphrem II of the Syriac Orthodox Church of Antioch and All the East, and Patriarch Youssef Absi of the Melkite Greek Catholic Church of Antioch and All the East gathered at the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate in Damascus.

The meeting was dedicated to reviewing recent developments. In particular, the incidents in the city of Sukaylabiyah in the Hama countryside, the situation in Syria in general, and the situation of Christians in particular were addressed. The Patriarchs addressed the challenges facing Syria with deep concern and a strong sense of responsibility. They stated that these challenges threaten coexistence between Muslim and Christian citizens in the country. They emphasized the importance of preventing the spread of uncontrolled weapons to protect security and stability and to guarantee the dignity of all citizens without exception. They stated that this must be carried out on the basis of principles of citizenship, equality in rights and duties, and respect for both individual and public freedoms.

On the occasion of the upcoming religious holidays, the Patriarchs conveyed their blessings and congratulations to their communities; they instructed that celebrations be limited only to prayers held in churches. The Patriarchs also prayed for peace for Syria, Lebanon, and the whole world.”

Statement from the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs

According to news from the Hibya News Agency, the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced that they are following the developments in the city of Sukaylabiyah, where predominantly Greek Orthodox live in Syria, with concern. In its statement, the ministry drew attention to the investigation launched by the Syrian government regarding the incidents occurring in the city and demanded that the process be rapidly implemented.

Greece reiterated its call for a peaceful and inclusive transition process in which the rights of all Syrians will be protected without regard to religious or ethnic origin. The statement also emphasized that Christians are a historical and inseparable part of Syrian society. Stating that they are ready to support Syria's recovery process, Greece expressed that they will await the investigation results.

"Reflects an alarming escalation in the approach to violence"

In the statement made by the Universal Syriac Union Party (USUP) in Lebanon, it was stated that the attacks “reflect an alarming escalation in the approach to violence targeting Christians and all minorities in Syria, bearing traces of an exclusionary ideology similar to ISIS.” Emphasizing that what happened “cannot be considered separately from the chain of repeated attacks against regions with a distinct Christian identity,” USUP drew attention to the “clear absence of accountability.”

The statement also criticized impunity for the attackers, stating that the continuation of these violations without a real deterrent “poses the risk of a dangerous drift into sectarian conflict and threatens the remainder of Syria's social fabric based on pluralism and coexistence.” USUP called for urgent and effective protection under international supervision for Christians and all minorities in Syria. The party also demanded that transparent and independent investigations be conducted regarding the incidents in Sukaylabiyah and other attacks, and emphasized that everyone involved in the incident must be held accountable.

The party called on the Syrian authorities to assume their responsibilities to protect citizens and to end all kinds of negligence or possible cooperation. Finally, USUP stated, “The silence of the international community is no longer acceptable; the failure to take real steps means indirect complicity in these crimes.”

The winner of the election will sit in the presidential chair for three years. The ballot paper for Alen Bağ and his list was red, while the ballot paper for Hraç Keçiyolu and his list was yellow.

Before the voting process, Alen Bağ and Hraç Keçiyolu shared their final messages with the members.

Keçiyolu stated that they were only able to fully take over the disputed land of the Taksim Sports Club in 2023, and attributed the inability to make significant moves until this date to this uncertainty.

Alen Bağ, on the other hand, stated that the occupational rent (ecrimisil) debt regarding the land in question reached 10.5 million TL with interest, and said that they would pay this debt if elected.

The club has been facing an occupational rent (ecrimisil) debt due to the ownership problem of the Süleyman Seba Facilities, which it has used for years. In a letter sent to Taksim Sports Club from the Istanbul Governor's Office in 2011, it was stated that the area was under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of National Education and that the club was an occupier. The club management dealt with intense bureaucratic procedures for many years to obtain the usage rights of the facility. In 2023, the jurisdiction of the club land was transferred to the Ministry of Youth and Sports, and the usage rights were given to Taksim Sports Club. However, the occupational rent (ecrimisil) debt arising from the ownership of the land is putting a heavy strain on the club.

Garo Hamamcıoğlu, who took the floor after the candidates' speeches, rejected the criticism that the occupational rent debt was swept under the rug and gave examples of the bureaucratic work they had carried out.

More than 500 members were expected to vote in the election, but 384 members cast their votes.

The speeches ended around 6:45 PM, but due to the chaos in the voting system, members could not cast their votes for a long time, and a stampede occurred in front of the ballot box.

Order was restored after the intervention of security forces, and the voting process began around 7:15 PM.

Voting ended around 9:00 PM, and the counting of votes began. At around 9:45 PM, the counting of votes ended.

Alen Bağ became the new president of the club with 223 votes. Hraç Keçiyolu received 161 votes. Keçiyolu congratulated Bağ as the results became clear.

After the election, Alen Bağ made a short speech and said, "We achieved the impossible; we thank the members and friends who did not spare their support."

Named after the whale known as the “world’s loneliest whale” because it emits sounds at a frequency of 52 hertz and is therefore thought not to be heard by other whales, the play traces a history where being heard is not always possible.

The play is set on Kınalıada

Based on the autobiographical stories of the female actors of the Hangardz team—who keep the Armenian culture and art tradition in Istanbul alive on stage—“52 Hertz” was produced in a collective process using the devised theater technique. The play brings a common language built on memory, invisibility, and solidarity to the stage. Set on Kınalıada, the production tells the story of four women's efforts to create a play that they could not stage despite their hard work, against all difficulties.

The cast of the play includes Diana Chilingaryan, Garine Maral Çizmeciyan, Lara Narin, and Tara Demircioğlu. Directed by Zinnure Türe, the production features costume design by Hilal Polat, lighting design by Utku Kara, and visual design by Anet Sandra Açıkgöz.

The premiere of the play will take place on April 2 at DasDas Open Stage. It will meet the audience on April 3 at Habitat Stage and on April 14 at Claphall Stage. On April 22, conversations and a discussion will be organized around "52 Hertz."

Speaking to the BBC, Archbishop Mullally shared a reflection in her first sermon: "When I look back at my life—thinking of the young Sarah who found faith in God and decided to follow Jesus—I could never have imagined the future that lay before me, and certainly not where I am standing now."

The ceremony was attended by approximately 2,000 guests, including Prince William and Catherine, Princess of Wales, representing King Charles; Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer; and various dignitaries who gathered to hear her inaugural sermon. Among the guests were nurses and caregivers from Canterbury, invited in a special nod to the Archbishop’s former career in nursing.

Historically referred to as an "enthronement," the ceremony marked the symbolic beginning of Dame Sarah Mullally’s public service as the Archbishop of Canterbury. Since the time of St. Augustine in 597 AD, all 105 previous archbishops have been men. It was only in 1994 that the Church of England first permitted women to be ordained as priests.

"On one hand, I am trying to get used to the idea of being the Archbishop, and on the other, I am trying to grasp the significance of being the first woman in this role," the 63-year-old Dame Sarah told the BBC.

From Nursing to the Archbishopric

The Archbishop noted that while she has received significant support from her male colleagues, the ceremony carried a spirit that "uplifts women." Having practiced nursing since 1980, Dame Sarah became the youngest-ever Chief Nursing Officer of England in 1999. She was still holding this position when she was ordained as a priest in 2002; by 2018, she had become the first female Bishop of London.

However, some traditionalists within the Church of England and the wider Anglican Communion continue to oppose the ordination of women. Earlier this month, conservative clergy meeting in Abuja, Nigeria, gathered to select Rwandan Archbishop Laurent Mbanda as their leader in opposition to Dame Sarah's appointment. She will also have to work alongside other bishops in England who, due to their theological convictions, refuse to ordain women as priests.

Ceremony Details and Modernization

In the days leading up to the ceremony, Dame Sarah completed a six-day, 145-kilometer (approx. 90 miles) pilgrimagefrom St. Paul’s Cathedral to Canterbury Cathedral. This theme of pilgrimage was woven into the ceremony, with religious rituals performed at various points stretching from the west end of the cathedral to the east.

The proceedings began with Dame Sarah striking the West Door of the cathedral three times with her crozier (staff), where she was greeted by children. At the nave, she took her oath upon the "Saint John’s Bible"—a new Bible used for the first time since 1945, seen by many as a reflection of the Church’s modernization.

Throughout the service, hymns were sung, including songs in Urdu, a Gospel reading in Spanish, and a prayer in Zambia’s Bemba language, all intended to highlight the diversity of the global Anglican Communion.

Reyhane, 22, is a young English literature graduate from Tehran. She crossed the Agarak-Norduz border into Armenia just two days before the war broke out between the U.S.-Israel and Iran. For Reyhane, this journey was not an escape from a battlefield, but an escape from a total “digital blackout.”

“My partner is in Austria. We’ve been together for four years, and during the internet shutdowns, we couldn’t even have a simple phone call,” she says. The internet blackouts in Iran cost her more than just personal connections; because there was no internet, she also missed her university application deadlines. Now in Yerevan, she is trying to obtain an Armenian residency permit because it is the only way she can apply for an Austrian visa.

Digital exiles like Reyhane are professionals and students who are not necessarily fleeing physical destruction brought by war, but rather the collapse of their digital lives. They come seeking a safe space to access the internet and a stable IP address to connect with their jobs, studies, and personal lives.

According to the internet freedom monitor NetBlocks, Iran spent nearly a third of 2026 without internet. This situation did more than just slow down the web; it decimated the entire digital economy.

Major e-commerce, marketing, and tourism companies—once the lifeblood of Iran’s tech scene—faced a total collapse in revenue. This was followed by mass layoffs and company shutdowns. Today, the Iranian LinkedIn feed has turned into a sea of “Open to Work” banners posted by professionals who connect through various VPNs just to let the world know they are still looking for a way out.

Across the border in Armenia, the digital world reopens. Here, Iranians reconnect with their new livelihoods and their futures.

Safety for some, survival for others

Yerevan is no stranger to the sudden influx of first Russian, and now Iranian digital exiles. In 2022, the city became a primary destination for thousands of Russians fleeing the effects of war and financial sanctions. However, the contrast with this new wave from Iran is striking. While the Russian wave was largely a corporate process involving giants like Yandex relocating entire departments and banking systems, the Iranian influx is progressing more quietly. This group is composed of IT workers, small startups, students, and freelancers who depend on the global web for their daily needs.

Arian, 34, moved to Yerevan in September and works as a product manager for a German IT company. Following the 12-day war in June between Iran and Israel, his company relocated its entire office to Armenia.

“The main reason was the internet,” Arian explains. “Our German sponsors and clients could no longer tolerate the constantly dropping connections. We were given a short notice: either we move or we shut down.” Ten employees from the Tehran office, along with their families, have settled in Yerevan.

While Russian immigrants benefit from Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) protections that provide them with automatic work rights and a legal residency certificate for just $80, Iranians meet much more difficult conditions. For Iranians, legal residency requires a temporary residence permit costing $400. This implies a job and an entry fee five times higher than what Russians pay.

On the other hand, the lack of any demand for legislative reform from the Iranian business community causes the economic potential of this young workforce to be squandered in perpetual cycles of visa renewals. Without a clear path for integration, these employees risk drifting into the informal labor market. This situation not only undercuts local wages but also deprives Armenia of the strategic growth these digital exiles could provide.

Armenia’s recent moves regarding digital contracts and work quotas are positive steps toward formalizing this labor force; however, the barriers remain high for the growing class of Iranian freelancers. The government could ensure that tax incentives and residency criteria are accessible not only to corporate giants or those with privileged passports, but also to the independent strategists and content creators trying to build a life in Yerevan.

Integration vs. Transit

For many Iranians, Yerevan is a “waiting room”—a space where they can maintain their Western-facing careers until they obtain a European visa. For others, the cultural proximity of Armenia to Iran offers the potential for a permanent life.

For Niloufar, a digital designer, and her husband, a cryptocurrency trader, Armenia represents simply the “capacity to work.” Niloufar says that since moving, she has finally been able to reach the volume of work needed to sustain their new life.

But not everyone comes for the digital economy. For some parents, their children’s access to the digital world is a deciding factor. Seventeen-year-old Nima, who recently received the national “Youth Programmer” award, depends on the internet not just for communication, but for his education and work. For 12-year-old Pouya, the internet is an essential tool for studying, playing, and doing schoolwork without distractions or the constant worry of war.

Leaving Iran remains a privilege. Military service obligations, exit fees, and travel costs have trapped many talented professionals. Those who reach the border gate are the lucky few who can bypass these restrictions.

Whether Armenia can transform this regional brain drain into a “brain gain” in its own favor depends on the steps it takes. Will the country offer a permanent life, or will it just be a temporary desk for those with one eye on the door?

Summarized from the report by Melika Safaei for CivilNet.

A hearing is being held in the 17-judge Grand Chamber, which serves as the appellate body of the ECHR, to consider Kavala's second application.

The Grand Chamber is not expected to announce a decision immediately following the hearing. However, the ECHR has prioritized the evaluation of Kavala's second application. The final ruling is expected to be announced without delay in the upcoming months.

Osman Kavala, a businessman known for his work in the field of civil society, was detained on October 18, 2017, and arrested on November 1, 2017. At the heart of the arrest were the 2013 Gezi Park protests.

Kavala was acquitted in this case in 2020, and a release order was issued. On the same day, Kavala was re-detained and arrested as part of an ongoing case on charges of "attempting to overthrow the constitutional order."

Under this case, Kavala faces an aggravated life sentence—upheld by the Court of Cassation—on the charge of "attempting to overthrow the Government of the Republic of Turkey or prevent it from performing its duties."

Kavala, for his part, denies the accusations and states that he has "undergone a trial process in which the presumption of innocence was violated, and groundless allegations and false statements were used."

The first decision was announced in 2019

The judicial process regarding Kavala has held a significant place on the ECHR's agenda from the beginning.

The ECHR announced its first decision regarding Kavala on December 10, 2019. This decision concerned the arrest and the period of pre-trial detention.

In its judgment, the Court ruled that Turkey violated Article 5 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), which regulates the right to liberty and security, and Article 18, regarding the limitation on the use of restrictions on rights.

The ECHR ruling stated that "the judicial authorities, while issuing the arrest warrant, did not justify the alleged suspicion with concrete evidence and used existing laws for the purpose of silencing Osman Kavala and deterring other human rights defenders."

In the same decision, in the context of Article 46 concerning the binding force and execution of judgments, it was also ruled that Turkey must take all necessary measures to end Kavala's detention and ensure his immediate release.

In the first case filed by Kavala, the Court concluded that Kavala was unlawfully and arbitrarily deprived of his liberty due to an unreasonable interpretation and application of the relevant legislation, and demanded his immediate release.

Following Turkey's failure to fulfill the requirements of the ECHR decision, the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe referred the matter back to the Court for a formal determination of this situation.

In its decision on July 11, 2022, the ECHR ruled that Article 46, paragraph 1 of the Convention—which states, "The High Contracting Parties undertake to abide by the final judgment of the Court in any case to which they are parties"—had been violated.

Kavala's second application

In his second application made on January 18, 2024, Kavala brought all measures taken against him following the December 10, 2019 decision before the ECHR. In this context, the argument is presented that Turkey has violated seven articles of the Convention.

The articles of the Convention subject to the application and alleged to have been violated are as follows:

• Article 3: Prohibition of inhuman or degrading treatment.

• Article 5: Right to liberty and security.

• Article 6: Right to a fair trial.

• Article 7: No punishment without law.

• Article 10: Freedom of expression.

• Article 11: Freedom of assembly and association.

• Article 18: Limitation on use of restrictions on rights.

Normally, this application, also referred to as "Kavala 2," was expected to be evaluated and decided upon by a chamber of the ECHR consisting of seven judges. Although the process began this way, the relevant chamber relinquished its jurisdiction in favor of the Grand Chamber on December 16, 2025.

10 questions sent to the parties

On January 19, 2026, the ECHR sent 10 questions to the parties. Among the questions are whether the applicant has exhausted domestic remedies, whether his detention after the 2019 decision can be considered an arbitrary restriction of liberty, whether the trial process provided a fair opportunity for the determination of the criminal charges brought against the applicant, and whether the principle of the presumption of innocence was upheld. The hearing regarding the application will generally proceed based on the answers to these questions.

Compliance with ECHR decisions is mandatory

Pursuant to Article 46 of the Convention, ECHR judgments are binding for the states that are party to the convention. Turkey signed the ECHR in 1950 and ratified it in 1954. Having recognized the right to individual application in 1987, Turkey has recognized the compulsory jurisdiction of the ECHR since 1989.

The implementation of ECHR decisions is carried out through individual or general measures. Individual measures aim to eliminate the causes leading to the violation of the applicant's rights, while general measures consist of steps to eliminate the violation subject to the application for everyone and thus prevent the recurrence of the violation.

The monitoring of the implementation of ECHR decisions is conducted by the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe. Turkey's level of compliance with decisions announced by the ECHR is generally quite high. It is noteworthy that in critical cases, such as those of Osman Kavala and Selahattin Demirtaş, this compliance rate follows a lower course.

In 2021, President Tayyip Erdoğan stated: "We do not recognize the decisions taken by the European Union regarding Kavala, Demirtaş, this one, or that one. It is that simple. We consider them non-existent. In our view, these are null and void."

Talar Horozoğlu, one of the benefactors of the Hrant Dink School, greeted the guests in her opening speech. The visit, where students from both the Huys Association and the Hrant Dink School performed dances, also served as an occasion for new acquaintances. During the event, which included activities organized by magician Arman Köse, t-shirts printed with Armenian letters prepared by the Hrant Dink School and cards crafted by the students of the Huys Association were presented to one another as gifts.

In his speech regarding the peace process, Bahçeli said, “Every one of our people who meets on the common denominator of the Turkish nation will emerge victorious with the complete termination of the scourge of terrorism, which has blocked the path of our nation and our country for decades and caused many instances of heavy destruction, loss, and a hefty bill. There is no point in stifling the process, rushing it, or inflaming the debates. We have set out on the path; God willing, we will arrive.” He then used the expressions, “A Terror-Free Turkey is the stance of the crescent against those who carry a cross in their bosom. A Terror-Free Turkey is the consciousness of the lawful (halal) against those who make the forbidden (haram) a gate for their livelihood.”

Highlights from Bahçeli’s statements are as follows:

“The Zionist-imperialist betrayal network did not care for Ramadan or the holiday; they tried every path of violence to turn our sacred days into a dungeon and poison them. We are more eager, excited, and determined than ever to rot the seeds of discord that some wish to scatter among us one by one. We will be one, we will be together, and we will show the whole world that strength comes from unity. Our effort is for a stronger state.

The goal of a Terror-Free Turkey is a historical door of opportunity ahead of us. Ensuring a permanent and inclusive environment for Turkey and the countries of the region will be achieved primarily through solidarity, cooperation, and the struggle of turning toward the same 'qibla' (direction of prayer). We can no longer tolerate the massacre of innocents, children, and defenseless civilian populations, and we hope for this mentality to end. Let the glory and honor of the crescent prevail in the skies, rather than the traces of missiles. The road we will embark upon—with a depth of vision that correctly reads global developments, with a sense of justice, and with a synthesis of reason and patience—will carry us to a superpower Turkey.

As MHP and the People's Alliance, we have and will have responsibilities that we cannot neglect toward Islamic societies and the Turkic world, as well as toward all of humanity, just as much as our responsibilities toward our own country.

Since February 28, it has been understood that the Islamic Republic of Iran is not an easy bite. The ongoing war on the other side of our borders has shown that no hostile power has a chance of success without dissolving a people and a nation from within. This is why it has been documented that our goal of a Terror-Free Turkey is both a blessing from God and the wise mind within the banner of history, culture, and sovereignty of the beloved Turkish nation. Those who scoff at our goal of a Terror-Free Turkey are now hiding in every corner. Those who look askance at our call for a Terror-Free Turkey and a terror-free region, and those who make baseless accusations, have stood frozen like a rabbit caught in the headlights as our righteousness became clear. We still do not want them to remain frozen; we want and invite them to support our march toward the Century of the Turk and Turkey.

Turks and Kurds are the symbols of an unbreakable brotherhood. Together we are the Turkish nation; we are all the Republic of Turkey. While geographies undergo earthquakes and geopolitical storms grow into giants, while the era of war and conflict is rapidly triggered, we will say there is no benefit to us from others; we will not pay heed to anyone's devilish plans, we will not give joy to the agitators, and together we will never allow our flag to be lowered. There is no end to identity politics. There is no winner in ethnic and sectarian-based polarization. However, above all, saying 'Turkey' has a priority at the level of national survival.

Democratic and legal regulations will be fulfilled

Based on the report prepared by the commission within the scope of a Terror-Free Turkey, democratic and legal regulations will be fulfilled step by step. In this process, it should be fundamental to carefully avoid painful statements that would lead to misunderstandings, conflict with good intentions, or increase vulnerabilities. There is no point in stifling the process or rushing it. We have set out on the path; God willing, we will arrive. We have set a goal; God willing, we will reach it. We said a Terror-Free Turkey, and with the permission of God, we will succeed.

Against those who carry a cross in their bosom...

A Terror-Free Turkey is the stance of the crescent against those who carry a cross in their bosom. I believe that after the holiday, comprehensive reforms will be implemented stage by stage. Legal and democratic steps will be taken in order, without resorting to cheap calculations, without seeking profit from weak disagreements, and without following simple judgments. Turk and Kurd are together in it all, through thick and thin.

In this process, it should be fundamental to avoid painful statements that would lead to misunderstandings, conflict with good intentions, or increase vulnerabilities. A Terror-Free Turkey is not a time-limited and contentious sports match. Therefore, there will never be parties who walk off the field with their heads bowed.

Both our medicine and our weapon are ready

We will certainly witness that the slanderers—who claim there is a 'red line' between us and the founding leadership of the PKK—will be crossed out with a red pen by the Turkish nation itself. Time is the greatest medicine; patience is the strongest weapon. Thank God, both our medicine and our weapon are ready.

The real change of administration must happen in Israel

The death of innocent people is murder. Whoever is a partner in this murder is a criminal before humanity. Israel has turned into a death machine that is blinded, drinks blood, takes lives, and attacks anyone in its path. The real regime change, the real change of administration, must take place in Israel. This should be the primary agenda of the U.S. President. It is a great danger and a direct insult to the American people that Israel influences the U.S. governance system and dictates the direction of decision-making and auditing bodies through one way or another.”

As Armenia moves towards the June 2026 parliamentary elections, the polls reflected in the public offer a familiar picture at first glance: the ruling party is still the leading party, the opposition is fragmented, and the rate of undecided voters is high. This picture reminds many observers of the atmosphere prior to the 2021 elections; in that election, the rate of the undecided was also high, and ultimately, the Civil Contract Party led by Nikol Pashinyan achieved a much stronger victory than expected.

2021

However, this similarity can be misleading because the picture facing Armenian politics today is not a situation that can be explained merely by the competition between parties. Deeper down, there is a dynamic pointing to a crisis of political representation. In the picture drawn by the in-depth analyses conducted by the International Republican Institute's (IRI) February 2026 poll, the Armenian Election Study (ArmES), and EVN Report throughout the December 2025-February 2026 period, we clearly see that the Armenian voter is at a major crossroads. However, when the "stable majority" principle of the Armenian Electoral Code and the electoral threshold system are considered, we must also state how fragile and even impossible the theoretically constructed dreams of a 'broad-based coalition' look.

To understand today's large mass of undecided voters, we must first understand the illusion experienced in the traumatic atmosphere of the June 2021 elections. In this election held after the Second Karabakh War, the Civil Contract Party led by Pashinyan maintained its single-party rule in parliament by receiving 53.95 percent of the votes. From an external perspective, this result was interpreted as a rare consolidation success of a government that had lost a war, or as the undecided masses turning to the government at the last moment, saying "stability." Yet the turnout rate in the 2021 elections remained at quite a low level, at 49.37 percent. If we focus on the absolute number of votes entering the ballot box, compared to the approximately 884,000 votes Pashinyan received in the elections held after the 2018 Velvet Revolution, it had dropped to 688,000 in 2021. In other words, there was no undecided mass that made up its mind at the last moment and rushed to the government; on the contrary, the government had lost approximately 200,000 voters in three years.

The main reason the Civil Contract Party obtained the parliamentary majority was that this undecided and angry mass that broke away from the government boycotted the ballot box by not voting for the opposition either. The voter wanted neither the return of the "old regime" represented by Robert Kocharyan nor to give a new blank check to Nikol Pashinyan. As a result, while the opposition's ceiling vote remained at a certain limit, Pashinyan grew proportionally in the shrinking voter pool because he managed to bring his consolidated base to the ballot box.

Therefore, when understanding the 2021 outcome by considering both mechanisms together; it is understood that while a portion of the undecided turned to the Civil Contract Party at the last moment, a decisive portion did not go to the polls. As stated in the EVN/ArmES analysis, in a low-turnout environment, parties with strong core voters achieve proportionally higher results, and it turns out that the 53.95 percent obtained by the Civil Contract Party in 2021 was exactly the product of this dynamic.

What the polls say: There is a leading party, but no trust

Looking at the responses to the question "Which party would you vote for if elections were held next Sunday?" in IRI's February 2026 poll, the Civil Contract Party receives around 24 percent support, Strong Armenia 9 percent, the Armenia Alliance 3 percent, and the Prosperous Armenia Party around 3 percent. According to the same table, the undecided is at 30 percent, and those who do not want to answer are at 9 percent. In other words, the total rate of voters who will not tell us what they will do at the ballot box reaches almost 40 percent.

There is a similar picture in the EVN/ArmES analysis. Civil Contract seems set to receive 26.1 percent, Strong Armenia 11.9 percent, the Prosperous Armenia Party 6 percent, and the Armenia Alliance around 3.3 percent. But just like in the IRI poll results, what is striking here is this: the "I don't know" and "I don't want to answer" categories together reach 36.7 percent. This means that more than a third of voters still stand somewhere outside of politics.

Both poll results say two things at the same time: Civil Contract is still the clear leading party, but trust in the entire political establishment is quite weak. In the IRI research, the most striking indicator of this emerges in the question "Who is the politician you trust the most?". In this question, the largest category, by a wide margin, is the "no one" option: 48 percent.

EVN/ArmES's data regarding the Prime Minister's approval ratings complete this picture. The total of those who say they "strongly disapprove" of Pashinyan, at 32 percent, is much higher than the 'somewhat disapprove' answer. This shows that approximately one-third of the general population is seriously consolidated against the government. On the other hand, the total approval rate hovers around 36 percent; a figure that perfectly matches Pashinyan's stable base support of around 35 percent, which has been seen in previous research as well. Moreover, the picture does not look very bright among the undecided either: 35.4 percent of undecided voters approve, while 33.5 percent disapprove. The 30 percent "I don't know" and "I don't want to answer" category highly likely represents the low-turnout voter who will not go to the ballot box.

The five colors of the undecided: The codes of cross-analysis

When we subject the IRI and EVN/ArmES data to cross-analysis and we try to understand where these voters who avoid naming a party stand through their responses to other questions, we can probably assume 5 groups.

Silent Pashinyanists:

Despite claiming to be undecided, they lie at the heart of the 47 percent optimistic group in the IRI poll who say, 'Armenia is going in the right direction.' They support the government's peace policies and the reforms in the army. They think Civil Contract is taking the country in the right direction, but they avoid speaking out due to economic pains. Out of fear of instability breaking down on election day, they will likely vote for Civil Contract again.

Third-wayers:

This mass, which we predict will be the true determiners of fate in 2026, are those who gave the answer "Unemployment (18 percent)" and "Cost of living (11 percent)" as the country's biggest problem in the IRI data. They believe the peace process will open the borders, they do not want to return to the old regime, but they are also not satisfied with the current government's economic management. In fact, the Armenian economy has shown strong macro-level growth in recent years. Double-digit growth in 2022, the expansion of the technology sector, and the capital inflow that followed the Russia-Ukraine war accelerated the economy. However, this growth has not reflected equally across all segments of society. While the technology and service economy has grown rapidly in Yerevan, the cost of living has increased in many regions, but incomes have not risen at the same pace. Therefore, how this mass will act and which party and/or leader can persuade this group to what extent becomes of enormous importance. It seems very likely that this group will directly impact the election results.

 Resentful conservatives:

Consists of the traditional/conservative voter who expresses a high level of trust in the Armenian Apostolic Church (62 percent satisfied) and approaches the peace agreement with suspicion. In the IRI poll, the answer "Pressure on the clergy (7 percent)" given to the question regarding "the government's biggest failure in the last six months" stands out strikingly. At the same time, this mass thinks the state has broken away from historical memory. They are the group most prone to shift by reflex to the conservative/nationalist bloc (Armenia Alliance, etc.) at the ballot box; however, whether these parties can pass the threshold remains a major uncertainty.

Youth are angry at the system:

The digital generation in the 18-35 age bracket, who say they support Armenia's possible accession to the European Union by a rate of roughly 75 percent, but who believe the Pashinyan government has fallen short on accountability. According to EVN/ArmES data, 51.5 percent of undecided voters are of the opinion that the current government has not done enough to prosecute those responsible for the previous regimes. Because liberal parties/alliances that might influence this group will likely get stuck at the electoral threshold, it seems possible that they will remain without options at the ballot box and/or highly likely choose the path of boycotting.

Total boycotters:

The apolitical segment that has completely lost faith in politics, saying "my vote will change nothing in this country." This segment appears in the IRI poll with the answers "I don't trust any party or leader (20 percent)" and "my vote doesn't matter at all (13 percent)" to the question "Why won't you vote?". The fact that this group does not go to the ballot box will mathematically always serve the ruling party in maintaining its parliamentary majority.

Electoral threshold: The 4% party and 8% alliance wall

According to the Armenian electoral system, parties must pass a high threshold of 4 percent to enter parliament, while alliances formed by multiple parties coming together must pass 8 percent. At this point, a critical question arises: Do liberal or pro-Western forces other than Pashinyan have a chance of entering parliament?

Today's polls do not offer much hope in this regard. In the IRI data, actors with liberal rhetoric such as the Republic Party led by Aram Sargsyan, the Wings of Unity led by Arman Tatoyan, and the Armenian Meritocracy Party led by Gurgen Simonyan appear to be around 1 percent. If these small liberal parties enter the election alone, they will remain under the 4 percent threshold. If they want to unite and form a "Pro-Western Alliance" to survive, this time they will face the 8 percent alliance threshold, which is much harder to overcome. The EVN analysis also draws attention to this point, and apart from the Civil Contract Party, there appears to be no pro-Western actor capable of passing the threshold. So why can't they surpass 8 percent? Because in the IRI poll, almost 48 percent of voters say, "I do not trust any politician." That large mass of 51 percent who say they would vote 'Definitely Yes' in a possible EU membership referendum do not trust the actors of the system when it comes to domestic politics.

This deep-rooted distrust of the system makes it impossible for small parties to create a mass wave that would overcome the 8 percent threshold. Therefore, just as in 2021, the electoral threshold will work in 2026, and Pashinyan's party will highly likely remain alone as the sole "Western-oriented, liberal-democratic" axis in parliament. And this signifies a significant void in Armenian politics.

Strong Armenia and the opposition's new center

In today's polls, the strongest actor of the opposition appears to be Strong Armenia (Mer Tsevov). The EVN analysis clearly shows that this party has gathered a significant portion of the votes that went to the Armenia Alliance in 2021. In the EVN research, Strong Armenia is around 11.9 percent, the Prosperous Armenia Party is 6 percent, and the Armenia Alliance is 3.3 percent. When these three rates are combined, it equals the approximately 21 percent vote that the Armenia Alliance received in the 2021 elections. Meaning, the opposition currently in parliament has not disappeared; it has merely been redistributed.

The structure of Strong Armenia's voter base largely consists of the mass that voted for Kocharyan in 2021. This indicates that beyond purely economic rhetoric, the party is also fueled by codes of identity and nostalgia. Although party leader Samvel Karapetyan avoids using the vindictive language of the old regime, his business roots and relationship with Moscow reveal that this party harbors a serious geopolitical contradiction. It is a party with a strong pro-Russian orientation. On the other hand, according to the IRI poll results, it is also seen that 51 percent of its voters say, "The country is going in the wrong direction."

One of the most interesting parts of the February 2026 IRI poll involves questions regarding the declaration known as TRIPP (Trump's Route of Peace and Prosperity), signed between Armenia, Azerbaijan, and the USA in Washington in August 2025. The implementation of this declaration includes the construction of a road, railway, and other infrastructure passing through the Syunik region. According to the poll, 44 percent of the participants support TRIPP, while 47 percent oppose it. 5 percent state that they are hearing about the project for the first time. These figures reveal a fault line running right through the middle of society. Among supporters, economic growth (30 percent), the establishment of peace (19 percent), and overcoming the blockade (16 percent) stand out as primary expectations. Among opponents, security concerns (20 percent), the free entry of enemy country citizens (16 percent), and the fear of losing Syunik (12 percent) are decisive.

Similarly, the EVN/ArmES analysis confirms this: 37.2 percent of undecided voters find TRIPP beneficial, while 29.2 percent do not. The rate of those saying, "I don't know" and "I don't want to answer" is higher in the undecided group at 33.6 percent compared to the general sample; which shows how deep the ignorance or anxiety regarding this issue is.

TRIPP will create a decisive field of contention

From the perspective of voter preferences, a deep polarization is striking. While 61 percent of Civil Contract voters support TRIPP, 64 percent of Armenia Alliance voters and 69 percent of Strong Armenia voters oppose it. These numbers indicate that TRIPP will become one of the decisive battlegrounds of the election campaign.

In this context, the IRI poll reveals that there is a split surrounding the government's biggest success/failure in the last six months. While "securing the peace process (17 percent)", "diversification of foreign policy (9 percent)", and "modernization of the army (7 percent)" stand out among the government's main successes; "wrong foreign policy and diplomacy (10 percent)" leads the list of main failures. The fact that a single issue can be evaluated as both the primary success and the primary failure shows what a fragile and controversial political climate Armenia is in.

Western rhetoric - Russian capital

Let's assume that this 39 percent undecided voter base, which we mentioned in the first article, went to the ballot box instead of boycotting, punished the government with economic anger, and Civil Contract could not catch the threshold to become a single-party majority in parliament. The Constitution grants parties that enter parliament only a short 6-day coalition negotiation period to form a government.

If liberals with a relatively small vote potential get stuck at the 8 percent alliance threshold or the 4 percent party threshold and are not in parliament, Strong Armenia remains as the sole strong actor capable of forming a coalition with Pashinyan.

However, a massive geopolitical dilemma comes into the picture. In an equation where Armenia receives support from the European Peace Facility, develops strategic partnerships with the USA, and where 51 percent of its people (those who would say 'Definitely Yes' in an EU referendum) would like to join the European Union; it seems practically impossible for a Civil Contract trying to integrate with the West to sit in the same cabinet with a Strong Armenia that has deep-rooted ties with Moscow. Such a coalition would mean the mutual destruction of both sides at once.

The foreign policy data in the IRI poll concretely reveals this contradiction. 43 percent of voters see Russia, and 42 percent see the USA as Armenia's most important political partner. To the question "What should Armenia's foreign policy course be?", 49 percent answer "Exclusively pro-European and pro-Western or pro-Western while maintaining relations with Russia," while 33 percent say, "Exclusively pro-Russian or pro-Russian while maintaining relations with the West." When looked at by party, the gap deepens: 73 percent of Civil Contract voters want a pro-Western course, while 65 percent of Strong Armenia voters carry a pro-Russian tendency.

Therefore, the prospect of these two voter bases living in the shadow of a joint cabinet does not seem possible in practice, insofar as it contradicts the political map in the minds of the voters.

The ultimate solution to the constitutional crisis: The Second Round Referendum

The Armenian Electoral Code allows the implementation of the most radical mechanism, the second-round system, precisely so that such ideological and geopolitical deadlocks are not experienced. If a coalition cannot be formed within 6 days, the election is not canceled, and a second-round vote must be held 28 days later between the top two political parties (or alliances) that received the most votes.

In this scenario, in a race where all other parties except the top two are out of the game, the elections will transform from a parliamentary election into a referendum voting on the existential course of the country. If the picture remains for the second round as the current polls indicate (Civil Contract 24-29 percent, Strong Armenia 9-12 percent), the dynamics will change radically. The liberal/pro-Western voter who turned to small parties or did not go to the ballot box in the first round saying, "I trust none of them" will reluctantly return to Pashinyan in the second round out of fear of "Russian-backed forces taking over the state." On the other side, the base of Kocharyan and the Prosperous Armenia Party will unite around Strong Armenia out of hatred for Pashinyan.

However, we must remember that this was exactly the main reason for the low turnout/boycott in 2021. When faced with two bad options, the voter preferred not to go to the polls instead of choosing one. Although 68 percent of all participants answered, "I will definitely participate" to the IRI poll's question "How much do you intend to participate in the election?", this rate does not always match actual election day behavior. Therefore, if the possibility of a second round materializes in 2026 and this 39 percent undecided mass once again does not go to the polls; this situation of low voter turnout will benefit the ruling party, which has a loyal and mobilized base, and will ensure it guarantees its 54 percent parliamentary majority. In this sense, paradoxically, the boycott will not become the primary tool of the segments seeking to change the status quo, but rather the most effective force preserving the current balance.

Election or a referendum of trust?

When all this picture is put together, an interesting and somewhat gloomy conclusion emerges. Political debates mostly focus on the struggle between Pashinyan and the opposition parties. Yet the data seen in the polls tell another story: Almost half of the voters say they do not trust any politician.

Therefore, the biggest risk facing Pashinyan today is not merely the strengthening of the opposition. EVN/ArmES's forward-looking data on the economy also supports this signal. While the rate of those who think the economy will be better in the coming year is 35.3 percent, the rate of those who think it will be worse is 23.2 percent. Positive expectations have increased compared to the retrospective perception (32 percent); while negative expectations have visibly dropped (from 37.9 percent to 23.2 percent). This cautious optimism forms a base for the government; however, the dramatic rise in "I don't know" answers (from 7.3 percent to 27.9 percent) clearly reveals how fragile the voter's faith in the future is.

Referendum of trust

To the question "Has Armenia improved in the field of security?" in the IRI poll, the voter, considering the August 2025 Washington agreements and the subsequent developments, gives the answer "Satisfied with the Armed Forces" at between 72 and 73 percent; this rate indicates a solid level even for historical averages. This rate, which fell to the 40s in 2021, provides an important indicator of what kind of course it will follow during the process. On the other hand, in EVN/ArmES data, 50.7 percent of undecided voters are of the opinion that the security environment has improved; this rate is higher than the general sample and is a critical signal for the government.

The 2026 elections, therefore, may not just be a race for power. This election could also be a referendum of trust. The voter will decide not only between parties but also regarding whether they trust politics itself. The undecided, who cannot find the "third, clean, liberal" alternative (due to the 4 percent or 8 percent electoral thresholds), seem condemned once again to the lack of options imposed by mathematics, just as in 2021. Therefore, they will either reluctantly support the government's Western-oriented but economically painful normalization; or they will open the door to new actors relying on Russian capital under the name of pragmatism; or they will indirectly prolong the status quo's lifespan in parliament by boycotting the ballot box.

Perhaps the real outcome of these elections will not just be who wins, but the answer to the question of whether politics in Armenia can become convincing again and whether citizens can regain their trust in the political system. The answer to this question, however, will be read not from the votes counted on election day, but from the silent choice of the millions who do not go to the ballot box that day.

As journalists waiting in lines during the Silivri frost at the crack of dawn, we turn to one another and discuss "what might happen." We recount the potential arguments and the difficulties the press is likely to face. It’s almost like a duty rehearsal... Our previous experiences serve as our guide. However, the call from the gendarmerie saying "press first" surprises us. Journalists passing through the checks easily receive their badges and begin waiting at the courtroom door. Although the fact that the press was inside before everyone else for the first time astonished us, this feeling did not linger for long. We understood as soon as we entered the courtroom and were shown the area reserved for the press. Taking the press in early was not a gesture, nor did it have anything to do with transparency. Located at the furthest right corner of the courtroom, it was impossible to see the detained defendants or the bench, or to clearly hear what was being said. Furthermore, in the seating arrangement, there was no area for the press to take notes, nor was there electricity to charge laptops. There were flexibilities in the 25-journalist limit; we were more crowded than the first day. They had placed the press at the very front. However, all of these were merely performative acts of goodwill.

The space reserved for the press offered a clue

From the very beginning, throwing the press into the back row of an open court gave us an idea of how the trial would proceed. The court bench did not prove us wrong with their attitude the moment they entered the hall. Although Ekrem İmamoğlu—who has been detained for a year, whose name is mentioned in every act in the indictment, and who is accused of establishing and leading a criminal organization—wanted to speak, the court did not allow it. İmamoğlu was insistent on speaking; he had waited a year for this moment. İmamoğlu fueled his search for rights with his "Black Sea persistence" and would not give up. The bench could not cope and found the solution in calling for a recess.

Families greeting their loved ones are silenced

While the hearings continued with difficulty under the court's constantly changing instructions, the hands of defendants—who had been away from their families for a very long time—raised in greeting were forced down; families calling out to their loved ones were silenced; and journalists were distanced or restricted so they could not write or report. Neither citizens nor politicians could be included in the proceedings of a public trial.

The court had engaged in arguments with everyone, from the defendants and lawyers to the journalists and spectators. These arguments were always one-sided; the struggle for rights entered by the defendant, lawyer, or journalist against the bench ended with the court's most solid power: the "decision to adjourn."

The defendants, who had been detained for a year and found their first opportunity to defend themselves, were eager to take the rostrum, but the list, which the court said was "ordered according to the incidents," was not progressing. Even though İmamoğlu insistently said, "Release these people, let them be with their families for the holiday, fight me alone," the detention status of even those who were ill or had no remaining sentence to serve was not being evaluated. Detention had ceased to be a measure and had turned into a tool used for punishment, trampling human dignity underfoot.

"Maya said 'Father'"

For two weeks, families calling out to their loved ones every day consoled one another while trying to hide their tears. News coming from the 7.5-month-old daughter of the İBB Head of Urban Planning, Ramazan Gülten—who was born while he was inside—filled everyone’s eyes with tears. As soon as Ramazan entered the hall, the lawyers and spectators all joined in to help his wife's voice reach him from the spectator rows: "Maya said 'Father'." We listened to the defense of a defendant benefiting from "effective repentance" (informant status) under the weight of those three words. During statements that were contradictory, lacked concrete evidence, and were based on hearsay, only baby Maya came to mind.

The next day, words got stuck in the throat of a young lawyer defending his detained uncle. While defending his beloved uncle against the "effective repentance" statements shown as evidence for mediating bribes, he debunked the allegations one by one. It was one of the moments I was most curious about. I wanted to see his uncle at that moment. His young nephew was beginning his professional life with the most difficult case in the country. Moreover, his uncle was one of the defendants. I wonder how he felt? But I couldn’t see; the lodge that the court bench deemed worthy of the press prevented us from seeing these things. In a case formed by the statements of anonymous witnesses "to the extent they had heard," it was deemed sufficient for the press to write "to the extent they had heard" as well.

The first words of all at the rostrum: "There is someone listening to us"

In seven days spanning two weeks in Silivri, ten defendants finally had the opportunity to explain themselves before a judge for the first time. The first words of every single one of them at the rostrum were, "There is someone listening to us." They all wished to be reunited with their families before the holiday. Despite the pleas from Ekrem İmamoğlu and the lawyers for the bench to make a decision in this direction, there was no response. As they left the hall, the defendants first embraced one another to exchange holiday greetings, then turned to their families and departed, saying, "Happy holidays." At that moment, the atmosphere in the hall grew even heavier; the hands raised for farewell never wanted to come down, and families did not leave the hall until the last detainee was taken away.

After the families left, I looked at the hall for a long time. I remembered my first times coming here, my days as an intern journalist. Ergenekon, Balyoz, KCK, the Cumhuriyet trial... What cases we had watched here. How many separations we had witnessed. Today, that sadness was repeating once again in the same hall. We were once again witnesses to similar pains in different lives. Directly across from us, it is written: "Justice is the foundation of the State." As I grow older in this hall, I find it harder and harder to read. Undoubtedly, it is my vision that is fading. Even if it is far away, the faith within me strengthens its existence. Justice is there, far away. One day, it will go beyond hanging as a mere phrase on a wall. It will come again. It will come back.

When discussing the Jeffrey Epstein case, one question is repeatedly asked: “How could no one have seen this for so many years?” Perhaps we need to ask a more difficult question: Where did we learn not to see?

The answer cannot be sought only in law, politics, or the media. It may also be found in literature, in the cultural canon, and in texts circulated under the name of “high art.” Culture does not merely tell stories. It produces ways of seeing. It teaches us what we can look at, what we should pass over quickly, and which forms of discomfort are dismissed as “overly sensitive.”

Vladimir Nabokov’s Lolita is one of the most well-known examples. The relationship between a young girl and an adult man is often read through the lens of aesthetic distance, an ironic narrator, or the veil of a “complex mind.” What is expected from the reader is not discomfort, but understanding. Understanding, even admiration.

The problem begins precisely here. In these narratives, the experience of the young girl is not at the center. The story moves within the consciousness of the adult man. The girl does not speak; and even if she does, she is not heard. Her body becomes a device through which someone else’s inner world is deepened. In this way, literature normalizes the direction of the gaze without explicitly defending abuse. Who looks? Who is seen? Whose complexity matters?

Rebecca Solnit points precisely to this problem in her 2015 essay “Men Explain Lolita to Me.” The issue is not simply the content of a novel, but how that novel is defended. Solnit writes that she first read Nabokov’s novel as a young girl and naturally identified with Lolita. Yet she realized that the story never truly belonged to Lolita. The narrative always remains in the hands of the perpetrator. This literary structure produces a social reflex: the perpetrator narrates, the victim is represented.

A similar structure appears in the Epstein case. There are surviving women. Their testimonies exist. Yet the narrative is rarely built around them. Instead, the story revolves around men: who was connected to whom, who concealed what, who protected whom. Even when women’s voices are heard, their testimonies are often coded as emotional excess. Thus, instead of a speaking subject, a “pathologized victim” appears.

And perhaps one of the most striking symbols of this blindness is the aircraft that came to be known as the ‘Lolita Express.’ How could so many powerful adults, from business figures to politicians, from academics to scientists, board an aircraft carrying this name without question? A plane named after a young girl became a chilling symbol of how normalized this regime of gaze had become.

At this point, the issue is not about canceling the literature of the past. Rather, it is about recognizing the forms of blindness we have inherited along with these texts. Which silences were normalized? Which discomforts were suppressed in the name of “high art”?

What becomes decisive here is a regime of gaze. The gaze is not innocent. It determines who is allowed to look, whose gaze is considered legitimate, and whose body is made available for circulation. In the Epstein case, certain bodies are not merely seen. They are circulated through narratives, photographs, rumors, and files.

As Rebecca Solnit notes in another essay on Epstein, this structure is not simply a deviation belonging to “rape culture.” It is part of a longer historical continuity. The perpetrator holding the narrative, the victim’s voice being coded as excessive or unreliable, and bodies appearing as objects of representation rather than testimony are not phenomena unique to modern media. They are mechanisms that recur in different forms in post-violence societies.

This regime of gaze does not operate only through sexuality. As Elyse Semerdjian shows in her book Remnants, Armenian women’s bodies after 1915 were subjected to a similar regime. Bodies that survived displacement, forced conversion, and violence became both witnesses to violence and silent carriers of it. These bodies do not speak. They are spoken about.

This historical experience teaches us something important: regimes of gaze are not only sexual but also political and ethnic. Whose bodies are protected? Whose bodies circulate? Whose stories are told, and whose remain in the margins of archives?

In the Epstein case, documents are being opened and names circulate publicly. Yet the narrative still revolves around powerful men. Patriarchy does not only tremble when legal mechanisms function. It trembles when it loses control of the gaze.

Perhaps the question we must ask today is this: What injustices were rendered invisible through the forms of admiration that literature and culture have taught us? Because some silences are not accidental. They are culturally constructed. And without confronting these silences, we cannot truly understand cases like Epstein, nor prevent the next silence from taking shape.

The association’s sixth ordinary general assembly was held on February 8. Following the election, Nubar Opan was appointed as the president of the association. The members of the management board for the new term are as follows: Meyrem Delgi, David Evyapan, Lena Çiteli, Rita Delgi, Menekşe Diktaş, David Aslanbaş, Karabet Orunöz, Sarkis Boyacı, Murat Çekem, Aslin Gürleroğlu Erbek, and Sesilya Delgi.

Even before official negotiations have begun, disagreements have started to become clear on fundamental issues, such as whether to reference the Declaration of Independence in the preamble and the limitation of dual citizenship for high-level officials.

The most debated article of the change is the idea of removing the reference to the Declaration of Independence in the preamble, a topic that has been on the agenda for about a year. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, who shared this view with the public during regional visits, argues that the current reference is no longer up-to-date.

Pashinyan: Armenia has escaped the hook

Making a statement on the subject, Prime Minister Pashinyan said: "We must face all our problems. The text we call the Declaration of Independence is actually a declaration of conflict and dependency. If you adopt a declaration that challenges all your neighbors, it means you are relying on someone from the outside. When you trust those powers, you hook yourself onto them. In 2024-2025, Armenia freed itself from this hook, and we must appreciate its value."

The reference to the Declaration of Independence in the preamble—which also includes the unification of Nagorno-Karabakh with Armenia—is described by Baku as the final obstacle to a peace agreement. This situation remained on Azerbaijan’s agenda even after the Armenian Constitutional Court’s (AYM) decision in September 2024. During the review of the border delimitation regulation, the AYM ruled that the Declaration of Independence has no legal binding force and that only the Constitution holds supremacy.

Warning from the opposition: "Basis of independence"

The government's intention to remove the Nagorno-Karabakh phrasing has drawn backlash from the opposition. Edmon Marukyan, Leader of the Bright Armenia Party and member of the Constitutional Change Expert Council, claimed that this step would "destroy the foundation of the country's independence," pointing to two possible scenarios.

Marukyan stated: "The AYM says there is no territorial claim in the Constitution. However, if the government views this as a declaration of conflict and goes to a referendum to change it, and if a 'no' vote emerges from the referendum, Aliyev could say: 'You admitted that you have territorial claims and your people approved this; therefore, I can wage war against you.' In the second scenario, if the people say 'yes' at the ballot box to removing the preamble, we destroy the country's birth certificate and will face much deeper problems." Meanwhile, it is noted that Marukyan has not attended expert council meetings for some time due to his objections.

Minister of Justice: Parliamentary system will be preserved

Providing information about the general changes in the Constitution, Minister of Justice Srbuhi Galyan stated that the expert commission prepared the text based on the conceptual framework developed before the pandemic and the war. Emphasizing that the parliamentary system will not be abandoned, Galyan said: "The human, the citizen, and the people are still at the center. To make the separation of powers more decentralized and balanced, we have provided the National Assembly with oversight mechanisms over the prime minister's activities. Additionally, we will propose that rights in the third chapter, such as social security and the right to health, be moved to the status of fundamental rights."

Regarding the dual citizenship restriction, another critical article in the text, differing views are being expressed within the expert commission. Council member and lawyer Tigran Yegoryan stated that the basic principle is maintained: "High-level officials in Armenia should only be Armenian citizens. The last hope of someone aspiring to office should be Armenia; they should not be subject to another country or its legislation." It is predicted that the scope of officials subject to this restriction could be expanded with the new draft.

Referendum in 2027

The process of preparing the constitutional draft has not yet been completed. Deputy Minister of Justice Tigran Dadunts stated that the expert council would continue its duties and that public information efforts would proceed following the intra-party discussions. Dadunts pointed out that the submission of the text to parliament and the subsequent referendum phase would be a long process.

To prevent the overlap of two major elections, the constitutional referendum is planned to take place after the regular parliamentary elections in 2026. According to the draft schedule, parliamentary elections will be held in June 2026, and the referendum will be carried out in 2027.

During the liturgy presided over by Patriarch Maşalyan and led by Very Rev. Fr. Harutyun Damadyan, support and prayers were requested for the reconstruction of the İskenderun Karasun Manuk Armenian Church, which was damaged in the February 6 earthquakes centered in Kahramanmaraş.

In his sermon, Patriarch Maşalyan mentioned that their first stop on the annual pilgrimage is always Kayseri, followed by İskenderun and Hatay. He stated, “A difficult period awaits humanity. Our prayer is that the Almighty gives the spirit of wisdom to the leaders. May He show them that starting wars is easy, but ending them is difficult.”

Touching upon the support to be provided for the strengthening of the Karasun Manuk Armenian Church, Patriarch Maşalyan said: “Our churches remind us of sanctity through their scent and architecture. Our Karasun Manuk Armenian Church in İskenderun was also damaged in the earthquake. Its surrounding outbuildings were destroyed, and the horans(altars) inside our church were damaged. To strengthen our church, we went to Ankara and met with our Minister of Tourism and Culture. We requested our state's support for our church. They expressed that they would assist us. However, this support covers only half of our church's needs. The remaining support will be provided through aid we obtain from our foundations in Istanbul, as well as domestic and international sources.”

Following the sermon, Sahak Maşalyan, the Armenian Patriarch of Turkey, presented a vestment to Fr. Avedis Tabaşyan, the Overseer of Anatolian Armenian Communities and the Clergyman of the Hatay Church, on the occasion of the 15th anniversary of his priesthood. Furthermore, during the service, the ranks of church youths Ohannes Tabaş and Minas Tabaş were elevated, and they were declared church readers.

In addition to Patriarch Maşalyan, the service was attended by Senior Fr. Kirkor Damadyan (Patriarchal Vicar), Msgr. Antuan Ilgıt (Apostolic Vicar of Anatolia), Mor Melki Ürek (Syriac Metropolitan of Adıyaman and Environs), Yusuf Tabaş (President of the İskenderun Karasun Manuk Armenian Church Foundation), Can Teymur and Fadi Hurigil (Presidents of the İskenderun and Antakya Orthodox Church Foundations), Fr. Nicholas Papasoğlu (Priest of the İskenderun Greek Orthodox Churches), Dimitri Doğum, and the church congregation. The liturgy concluded with hymns.

On the morning of March 15, Patriarch Maşalyan led the liturgy at the Vakıfköy Armenian Church in Hatay and met with the residents of Turkey's only Armenian village. Patriarch Maşalyan will return to Istanbul after this visit.

Patriarch Maşalyan is accompanied on his visit by Very Rev. Fr. Hovagim Seropyan, Fr. Şirvan Mürzyan, and Fr. Nathan Arabyan.

(Patriarchate Press Bulletin, agencies, Agos)

On the same day, the Patriarch paid courtesy visits to the Mayor of Kayseri Metropolitan Municipality, Dr. Memduh Büyükkılıç, and the Governor of Kayseri, Gökmen Çiçek. Following these visits, Patriarch Maşalyan toured the city’s library, accompanied by the Director of the Tourism Office.

The building in question was formerly the Holy Mother of God Church, the seat of the city’s Armenian Archbishopric. Used for various purposes over the years, the building was restored by the municipality and opened as a public library.

Patriarch Maşalyan then visited the Surp Krikor Lusavoriç (St. Gregory the Illuminator) Church in Kayseri, entering the church to the sound of ringing bells. After performing a pilgrimage prayer, he received information about the church from members of the local Armenian community.

The final stop of the day was Mount Erciyes. After the snowy visit, the Patriarch and his group returned to their hotel. That evening, the Patriarch attended a dinner held in his honor.

As part of his itinerary, Patriarch Maşalyan will also visit Vakıfköy in Hatay to attend a liturgy and will initiate the restoration work for the Karasun Manuk (Forty Martyrs) Church in İskenderun. The Karasun Manuk Church had been damaged during the February 6 earthquakes.

(Patriarchate press release, Agos)

The study regarding the parliamentary elections on June 7 was conducted via telephone calls with 1,506 participants.

When asked which political party or alliance they would vote for if national elections were held next Sunday, 24% of participants stated they would support the Civil Contract Party led by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. The second most prominent party was the Strong Armenia Party, led by Russian-Armenian billionaire Samvel Karapetyan, receiving 9% support.

Other parties received smaller percentages. The Armenia Alliance, led by former president Robert Kocharyan and including the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, received approximately 3% support. Another 3% stated they would vote for the Prosperous Armenia Party, led by billionaire Gagik Tsarukyan.

Pashinyan is weak in Yerevan

However, a large portion of participants—30%—stated they have not yet decided who to vote for. While 8% said they would definitely not vote, 5% stated they would deliberately invalidate their ballots to ensure their votes are counted but do not go to any party.

When results are calculated to include participants who indicated a high probability of voting, support for Civil Contract rises to 29%, while Strong Armenia sees 11% support. The poll also revealed that 69% of participants are certain of their choices and will not change their minds before election day.

Support for the Civil Contract Party appears weaker in Yerevan. Only 15% of those surveyed in Yerevan said they would vote for the ruling party. Support rises to 25% in other cities and to 31% in rural areas. Armenia's population is distributed equally among these three categories.

Support for the Strong Armenia party, led by Samvel Karapetyan, appears to be evenly distributed geographically: there is approximately 9-10% support among participants in Yerevan, other cities, and rural communities. Kocharyan's Armenia Alliance shows a different geographical distribution: it receives 5% in Yerevan and approximately 2% in rural areas.

Generational gap

The poll also reveals generational differences in voter preferences. The Civil Contract Party shows its strongest performance among voters aged 56 and older, with 34% support. Among young voters aged 18-35, the rate of those saying they would vote for the ruling party is 12%, while support for Karapetyan's Strong Armenia Party in the same age group remained at 10%.

Political disappointment is also evident among younger participants. 14% of voters aged 18-35 stated they do not intend to vote, while 34% said they are undecided.

Among participants who said they would not vote, the most frequently cited reasons were a lack of trust in any party or political leader (20%), the belief that their vote would not matter (13%), and distrust in the electoral process (12%).

(Civilnet)

During the dinner, hosted by Jbid İskenderoğlu Kalaycı, businessman Berç Darçın stated that the month of Ramadan is an occasion for love, brotherhood, and sharing. Assoc. Prof. Dr. Sıvacıoğlu emphasized that at a time when the language of war, tension, and division is rising in different parts of the world, the sounds of the adhan and church bells resonate together under the same sky in Istanbul. In his speech, Minister of Industry and Technology Mehmet Fatih Kacırtouched upon the importance of producing together and creating added value for Turkey. Kacır praised the employment, production, and economic contributions provided to Turkey by industrialists belonging to the Armenian community.

At the dinner, Patriarch Maşalyan presented plaques of appreciation to leading industrialists of the community Aret Erganyan, Avedis Polat, Hayk Aslanyan, Anahid Bozacıyan, and İrma Polat for their contributions and efforts. Delivering the closing speech of the dinner, Patriarch Sahak Maşalyan thanked President Erdoğan and state officials for the interest and support shown to minority communities. Stating that AKP MP Sıvacıoğlu serves as a bridge between the community and the government, Patriarch Maşalyan noted that he is carrying out efforts to resolve existing issues.

Although air travel between Armenia and Turkey has been ongoing since the early 2000s, these flights have been carried out by private airline companies. The start of THY flights, however, holds special importance as the company is state-controlled.

According to THY's planning, the capacity on the route will be gradually increased in line with the rise in passenger demand. In this context, the weekly frequency of Istanbul-Yerevan flights will be increased to 10 as of May 14, 2026. The frequency increase will continue later in the summer season, and as of June 15, 2026, flights will be operated 14 times a week.

Stepan Payaslyan, Vice Chairman of the Civil Aviation Committee of the Republic of Armenia, Marcelo Wende, Director of Armenia International Airports, and his deputy Sergey Avetisyan attended the welcoming ceremony held for the first flight. From THY, Vice President of Sales for Eastern Europe Hüseyin Özbek, General Manager of Sales for Georgia and Armenia Kenan İnce, as well as other guests, were in attendance.

The start of THY's flights to Yerevan is seen as a step within the framework of the normalization process between the two countries.

(Agencies, Civilnet)

In his speech, Pashinyan noted that the most significant development since his previous address to the parliament in October 2023 has been the progress toward establishing peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Speaking at a joint press conference with EP President Roberta Metsola and during his address to the General Assembly, Pashinyan revisited the concept of security. He remarked that for 30 years, Armenia perceived security solely through the lens of the army and weaponry. "It is now clear to me that the only guarantee of security is peace. The second layer of security is economic cooperation and mutual interdependence," he stated.

While noting ongoing military cooperation with France and support received from the European Peace Facility, the Prime Minister emphasized that the military should not be viewed as a foreign policy tool, but rather as a "reserve" to be deployed only when diplomatic instruments fail. Pashinyan also identified the frozen political dialogue between the EU and Georgia as the greatest challenge facing Armenia’s EU integration process. Vowing that Armenia will continue reforms to meet EU standards, he said, "If the EU accepts us as a full member, that is excellent; if not, we still win by being a country that has attained EU standards."

Regional Transportation and the TRIPP Project

Stating that the peace achieved with Azerbaijan has created opportunities for new infrastructure projects, Pashinyan announced that Armenia is ready "even today" to provide a highway connection between Azerbaijan and Nakhchivan via its existing infrastructure (the Kornidzor-Goris-Yeghegnadzor-Yeraskh route).

Reminding the audience that there has been total tranquility at the border for eight months and that 2025 was recorded as the first year since 1991 without any loss of life, the Prime Minister highlighted that a train departing from Azerbaijan reached Armenia in November 2025. He expressed his gratitude to the Azerbaijani administration for lifting this restriction. Pashinyan also announced that an agreement regarding the practical implementation of the "Trump Road for International Peace and Prosperity" (TRIPP) project between the US and Armenia would be signed soon.

Karabakh Refugees and Detained Armenians

Regarding the situation of Armenians who migrated from Karabakh, Pashinyan stated that the emotions of refugees should not be exploited and expressed his opposition to giving them "false hope." He explained that Yerevan’s clear strategy is to settle these individuals permanently in the country by granting them Armenian citizenship, noting that 4,886 families have already benefited from this program.

Pashinyan maintained that they are conducting "quiet diplomacy" for the release of Armenians held in Baku, arguing that the recent release of four individuals was a result of this strategy. He reminded the assembly that 19 Armenians, including former political and military leaders of Nagorno-Karabakh (such as Arayik Harutyunyan, Ruben Vardanyan, Davit Babayan, etc.), remain imprisoned in Azerbaijan.

Domestic Politics: "We Will Not Allow a New War"

Defending the decision to begin the border delimitation process with Azerbaijan in April 2024 as having saved Armenia from the brink of destruction, Pashinyan used harsh words against the domestic opposition movement led particularly by the Church.

Citing the border village of Kirants as an example of a place that is now much safer and more developed than before, Pashinyan accused certain clergy members of having links to foreign intelligence services (with an emphasis on the "KGB") and of conspiring with former rulers to drag the country into a new war. The Prime Minister stated, "We will never allow our independence, won with the blood of thousands of victims, to be sacrificed for anti-Christian goals or for the country to be led into a new war."

Message on the Middle East

Finally, addressing the escalating tensions in the Middle East and the recent attacks by Israel and the US on Iran, the Prime Minister expressed that they are watching these events with deep sorrow. Defining Iran as a "thousand-year-old neighbor and a good friend" and the US and Arab nations as "good partners," Pashinyan added that as a modest state, Armenia can only pray for diplomatic solutions.

According to the statement by the ÇGD, the award was granted for the investigative report titled "The Chain of Neglect and Abuse Aimed at Ukrainian Orphans Brought to Turkey." This international report focused on the situation of 510 orphans brought to Antalya as part of the "Childhood Without War Project" during the Russia-Ukraine war process; it documented cases of psychological and sexual abuse reflected in official reports and brought them to the public's attention.

The names and works recognized in other categories in the list announced by the ÇGD are as follows:

• News Award: Mine Şenocaklı and Efekan Akyüz for the report "The Homes of Retirees are Now Cheap Hotel Rooms!"

• Mustafa Ekmekçi News Award: Can Öztürk and Fundanur Öztürk for their reports regarding allegations of abuse.

• Rafet Genç News Award: Oğulcan Özgenç for the report uncovering discriminatory official instructions.

• Behzat Miser News Award: Melis Yıldırım, Batuhan Dükel, Eylem Ladin Değer, and Cemal Berk Aytekin for their reports documenting the security screening moments at Anıtkabir.

• TV News Award: Cengiz Karagöz for his reports on allegations of assault at the police station.

• Interview Award: Furkan Karabay for his work titled "Conscience is Also Suspended."

• Local News Award: Burak Necip Başar for the report on zoning plan violations in Fethiye.

• Research and Inquiry Award: Sadık Güleç and Osman Çaklı for their book "New Generation Gangs."

• Mahmut Tali Öngören Documentary Award: Tunca Öğreten and Murat Baykara for the documentary "Torture in the Homeland."

• İzzet Kezer News Photography Award: Ümit Bektaş for his photograph of the March 19 protests.

• Page Design Award: Kardelen Tatar Sinecan for the design "No Time to Prepare the Page Today."

• Cartoon Award: Muzır Neşriyat for their work on muzir.org.

• Solidarity Award: Tele1.

Also present at the event were Vice President Cevdet Yılmaz, the Ministers of Interior and Culture and Tourism, the President of Religious Affairs, the Chief of Staff to the President, the Secretary General of the Presidency, the Presidential Communications Director, the Chief Advisor to the President on Foreign Policy and Security, a member of the Presidential Culture and Art Policies Board, the Director General of Foundations, and AKP MKYK member Sevan Sıvacıoğlu.

Speaking at the program, Erdoğan stated: "I believe that the image of unity, togetherness, and solidarity presented here is very meaningful at a time when wars, conflicts, divisions, suffering, and oppression define the agenda of humanity."

Erdoğan expressed that Anatolia is a geography where civilizations meet, different beliefs blend, and mosques, churches, and synagogues on the same street complement each other, saying: "This evening, distinguished representatives of Greek Orthodox, Armenian, Jewish, Syriac, Catholic, and various other communities meet around the same table. I thank each of you individually for accepting our invitation. I particularly want to express that you are not only representatives of your own communities but also of Turkey’s multicultural and multi-faith social structure."

“The culture of living together is in the very yeast of these lands. Mutual respect is in the soul of these lands. Brotherhood is in the memory of these lands. Yunus Emre expressed this in his pure, clear Turkish: 'I read the meaning of the four books. I memorized them; when it came to love, I saw it was but one long syllable.' This is the essence, the summary, the core of the matter: To love the created for the sake of the Creator. It is neither anyone’s place nor right to categorize people created by Allah, to engage in racism, or to marginalize based on sect or disposition."

“A New Church Was Built for the First Time in Republican History”

Stating that they have taken very comprehensive steps in the last 23 years, Erdoğan said: "We have made significant regulations regarding the return of the past properties of community foundations. With the reforms we implemented in foundation legislation, we expanded the rights of community foundations. We restored many churches and houses of worship that had been neglected for many years and placed them back at the service of the communities. We also provided serious convenience regarding the religious officials needed by the communities. For the first time in Republican history, a new church was built during our tenure."

Stating that the Mor Afrem Syriac Orthodox Church, opened for worship in Yeşilköy, Istanbul, is a strong symbol of the atmosphere of religious freedom in Turkey, Erdoğan used the following words: "We are greatly pleased to see our citizens of different faiths active in academia, bureaucracy, the business world, and politics. The recent appointment of a citizen of Armenian descent as a district governor and the fact that our Armenian deputies have long served in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey are among the best examples of this. Inshallah, in the coming period, we will continue to further enhance this climate in cooperation and unity with you."

Stating that "certain international circles unfairly criticize Turkey on the issue of religious freedom," Erdoğan said: "The words of those who place hostility toward Turkey at the center of their politics have no value in our eyes. Turkey is an exemplary country where everyone possesses freedom of religion and conscience, can freely fulfill their beliefs, where communities can maintain their own institutions, and where mutual respect prevails. What occurred during the visit of the spiritual leader of the Catholic world, Pope Leo XIV, to Turkey is an important indicator of this. Both the prayer program in Iznik and the mass held in Istanbul were performed thanks to the facilities provided by our state."

“Antisemitism is a Crime, an Unjustifiable Evil”

Stating that the world today faces serious problems such as discrimination, hate speech, and marginalization, Erdoğan noted: "Islamophobia, which has escalated particularly in recent years, clearly threatens both our people and the culture of living together. As Turkey, we are against all forms of discrimination. We are determinedly fighting against this both domestically and internationally. Likewise, we have no tolerance for dark, DAESH-like structures that bomb mosques, churches, or synagogues without distinction and have no respect even for places of worship. As I have always said, just as Islamophobia is a crime against humanity, antisemitism is also a crime; it is an evil that cannot be considered reasonable or legitimate. Our goal is clear. We have built, and inshallah will continue to build, a Turkey together where everyone living on these lands feels equal, free, and safe."

Erdoğan thanked the clerics who attended the iftar invitation and wished that Ramadan would bring peace, tranquility, and abundance to the country, the nation, and all of humanity.

According to the latest information, there are fortunately no confirmed fatalities among residents. However, several people are believed to be trapped under the rubble as rescue efforts continue at the site.

Majidiyeh is one of Tehran’s historic Armenian neighborhoods. The district is known for its vibrant community life and developed infrastructure, much of which has been established and expanded with significant contributions from the Iranian-Armenian community.

Հրթիռային հարված Թեհրանի հայկական թաղամասին

Ամերիկա-իսրայելական դաշինքի ագրեսիայի հարվածի թիրախ է դարձել հին հայկական Մաջիդիե թաղամասում գտնվող բնակելի շենքը։ Ըստ վերջին տվյալների, բարեբախտավար, բնակչության շրջանում զոհեր չկան, սակայն որոշ բնակիչներ հայտնվել են փլատակների տակ։… pic.twitter.com/Mha9R0F05Q

— IRI Embassy in Armenia (@iraninyerevan) March 10, 2026

Public Radio of Armenia

The play will be performed on February 27 for the benefit of Getronagan High School, on March 3 for the Huys Association, and on March 13 for the benefit of Topkapı Levon Vartuhyan Schools, with a special performance on March 27 for World Theater Day. The plays will begin at 9:00 PM. All performances will take place at the Getronagan High School Alumni Association in Harbiye.

Alen Tekbıçak, President of Şişli Sports Club, made the following statement following Beşiryan’s success:

“We are proud of our young athlete. As Şişli Sports Club, we aim to experience these achievements alongside many of our youths and bring them together through sports by investing more in our youth development. Seeing the rewards for every step we take on this path brings us additional joy. We are experiencing great pride and happiness on behalf of our club. I also extend my gratitude to our coach, Hakan Günartan, who has put great effort into our athlete's development.”

At the end of the Feminist Night March, as the crowd dispersed, the police detained six people. Despite all the objections from the women, those detained were taken to the police station. Feminist lawyers went to the station to monitor the proceedings. Late at night, a post on the digital media account of the March 8 Feminist Night March announced that the six detained individuals had been released.

Barricades in Taksim

According to a statement made by the Istanbul Police Department early today, the roads to be closed to traffic within the scope of the demonstrations in Kadıköy were determined as of 11:00.

According to reports from Anadolu Agency, in this context, the Söğütlüçeşme Street Tram Road, Bahariye Street Tram Road, and Albay Faik Sözdener Street Tram Road were closed to traffic. Additionally, in a statement made on the social media account of Metro Istanbul, it was announced that in line with the decision taken by the Istanbul Governor's Office, as of 15:00 and until further notice, the Taksim and Şişhane stations of the M2 Yenikapı-Hacıosman Metro Line and the F1 Taksim-Kabataş Funicular Line would be closed.

However, despite all road and transportation closures, women moved toward Taksim. Although they could not enter Taksim Square, which was surrounded by barricades, the women who gathered in Cihangir and Sıraselviler managed to break the blockade this year as well with slogans, banners, and anthems.

The "March 8 Women's March," which started at 19:30, ended around 21:00 with dances and the reading of the press statement in Turkish, Kurdish, and Arabic.

Palestinian, Druze, and Alevi Women

The press statement of the 24th Feminist Night March in 2026 is as follows:

"Today, we are here together for the 24th Feminist Night March. As every year, we raise our voices with our enthusiasm, our rebellion, and our solidarity. We came to this area today by overcoming police barricades and walking long distances. Why? Because we all know that our liberation lies in feminism, and that feminism is our only option to exist in this world.

Yesterday, today, and probably tomorrow. Every day, we wake up to wars and destruction caused by men. While US and Israeli missiles fall on Iran right next to us, Turkey becomes an accomplice to this crime by opening NATO bases for use. Palestinian women are being tortured in the prisons of Israel, which tries to justify this war in the name of 'liberating women.' HTS, which is in power in Syria with US support, is killing Alevi, Kurdish, Arab, and Druze women. Trump, who does everything he can to cover up the Epstein files and his own complicity, only remembers women's freedom when it serves to bomb his enemy. We know this lie from Iraq and Afghanistan!

We watch those who plunder the world, how they steal from us and grow rich. All while they test us with hunger and eye the few cents in our pockets, the two bites in our mouths. We see those who increase their power while turning us into enemies of one another. How they leave all of us breathless. In these days when the world we know is being turned upside down, we remind each other not to get caught in this darkness, not to get used to hopelessness, and not to settle for this order created by men. That is exactly why we join the voices of women who, while resisting Islamist dictatorial regimes on one hand, say 'our freedom will not come from your hands' against US and Israeli aggression on the other.

For centuries, men have been living off the backs of us women; they lead a life of comfort thanks to the unpaid labor of women. They show up in public life, work comfortably in paid jobs, and gain status thanks to the life that women reproduce within the home. They control women's sexuality and, calling it love, they usurp women's rights to make decisions over their own lives. With an unshakable belief that women are subordinate to them, they see it as their right to commit violence against women and to kill them—sometimes taking the strength of a religious sect behind them, sometimes a gang, and sometimes the power of being a state prosecutor. Men feed on the failure to implement preventive and protective policies, on impunity, and on the fact that women's most basic rights—the civil code, divorce, alimony, and abortion—are constantly made a matter of debate and are under attack.

Calling it the 'Year of the Family'

By calling it the 'Year of the Family,' by saying they will de-gender us, they are trying to prevent trans people's access to hormones and their right to life by taking things as far as controlling gender and creating fabricated categories like 'behaviors not suitable for one's gender,' fundamentally trying to protect the dominance of men over women. Because they know this dominance is in danger; because they are aware of the danger created by the transformative power of feminism. Because this order will change—thanks to every woman who is here or cannot be here today and who struggles against patriarchy in her own life.

Just as we have exposed the crimes committed by men against women by making real a struggle that a woman walking on this street a hundred years ago could perhaps only imagine, we will build a new world in the same way. Thanks to our feminist solidarity. To direct our own lives, to be free, to claim our bodies, our labor, our sexuality, and our identities. To claim our future.

We say our liberation lies in feminism. Liberation is possible together, with feminist solidarity. We will transform the world with what we have learned from our own lives and from all the women who came before us. Because we learned from feminism that it is possible to live by building a peaceful, equal, and just life without being enemies.

Therefore, we repeat: Long live our feminist struggle!"

We continue to voice the struggles of those in the Armenian community who are in difficult circumstances. I was aware that it would be difficult to speak with the people whose doors I knocked on. They were expecting me; we had spoken on the phone. I rang the bell and waited at the door for about five minutes before it finally opened. The 94-year-old mother, having difficulty walking, greeted me with slow steps and a smile. When I entered, I saw her daughter, Z.K., sitting on a sofa, smiling at me. Her carefully combed hair, spotless clothes, and pristine home left me in admiration. It was as if they were not the protagonists of an environment that grew more somber as we spoke... 72-year-old Z.K. is ill and paralyzed. She is cared for by her 94-year-old mother. They are experiencing serious health problems and are struggling to meet rent, healthcare, and other expenses.

How old is your mother?

She is 94.

Do the two of you live alone? Does your 94-year-old mother care for you?

Yes. That is correct. She cooks our meals, washes our clothes, and tries to manage the house.

How old are you?

I was born in Istanbul in 1954.

Have you ever worked?

I can say I have never actually worked. In my youth, I worked for a few months at an antique carpet repair shop, that’s all. The burden of the household was on my father, but my mother worked as well.

What was your mother’s occupation?

She was a nurse’s aide at our hospital (Surp Pırgiç).

Were you ever married? Do you have children or siblings?

I never married. I have no children. I have siblings. One of my brothers passed away during his military service. The other is an alcoholic. I do not speak with my sister due to certain problems. I have no refuge other than God and my mother.

When did your health problems begin?

I developed colitis in 1996. I received treatment and underwent surgery. Unfortunately, the surgery was not successful. Complications developed afterward. My intestine was accidentally perforated, and I ended up in this state. Now, those who performed that surgery are out enjoying life, while I am begging for death.

I believe you have an open wound on your abdomen?

Yes. There is an inflammatory leakage. I have to dress and clean it myself. If I drink water, it leaks out of my stomach.

When did you suffer a stroke?

I had a brain hemorrhage eight years ago. My left arm and leg are paralyzed. Before that, I could walk more or less, go outside, and get some fresh air. Now, I can barely move at home even with a walker. My mother stands behind me so I don’t fall, and I try to walk with the walker using one leg and one arm. I fell the other day; the neighbors came and picked me up, bless them.

Do you have other illnesses?

I cannot eat. I have kidney failure. I have cardiac arrhythmia. I have a herniated disc. I have restless leg syndrome. I have everything, my dear.

You say you clean yourself. Isn't that difficult?

How could it not be? I have leakage every 10-15 minutes. The inflammation never dries up. I am always wrapped in cotton so that we don’t soil the bed and blankets when we sleep.

Which hospital do you go to in emergencies?

They took me to Bakırköy State Hospital by ambulance a few times. They took me there by ambulance, but returning home by our own means after treatment was very difficult. Once, a neighbor carried me into the house by placing me on a rug.

Under normal circumstances, how should patients like you receive care? Or do they do their own dressings?

No, of course not. Those who have the means have their dressings done. But I don't have the means. I use cotton. There are times when I can't even find that. Then, I have to cut up bedsheets at home and use them for my dressings.

Is there any income entering this house?

My mother has a retirement pension. My father wasn't insured, so nothing was left from him. I have a 79% disability ID from the state. The state gives me 6,000 lira in disability aid. We add 600 TL to that and pay our rent.

Do you rent this home?

It’s a rental. We currently pay 6,600 TL, but we are in court. The landlord wants a rent increase. We had three months of rent debt, which was paid by the Bakırköy Church. I heard my landlord wants 30,000 TL; I don't have 30 cents, let alone 30,000, to pay. We haven't been able to pay the apartment maintenance fee for a year either. Creditors come constantly asking for money. We will end up on the street.

Are you affiliated with the Bakırköy Church Poor Relief Committee?

Yes. I receive 2,000 lira a month in aid. Two food parcels arrive every month from the Patriarchate. It’s a parcel mostly consisting of legumes. Chicken comes twice a year, at Easter and Christmas. And meat comes once a year from the "Love Tables" of the Bakırköy Church. Patients like me apparently need protein and meat, but unfortunately, we cannot get them.

Natural gas, water, electricity, medications... How are these needs paid for with these pensions?

I owe money to everyone. Because my special needs are many. I have blood medication that must be purchased. I use five packs of cotton on my stomach every day. Every day, I am in great need of burn cream, isotonic saline, cotton, and gauze. I have to cover these myself—or rather, I can't cover them.

It is also a difficult situation psychologically.

My life is already over. I can’t go out, I can’t eat what I want, I can’t wear what I want, I can’t do what I want at home. I don’t even see people. I have no strength left to endure. I am just breathing.

After I became paralyzed, I thought about killing myself every day. I still do. I tried to throw myself from the balcony, but it didn't work. My mother saw me while I was taking pills; the woman fell while running to stop me, and I couldn't even pick her up off the floor.

What would make you feel a little better? What do you need to hold on to life?

If there were a foundation-church house somewhere we could sit... If our rent were paid, our bills covered, and my medical supplies provided, maybe I would want to live.

Z.K., whose name I do not wish to share at this stage, told me about the difficulties she experienced with all her sincerity, as you have read. It is clear that this elderly mother and daughter need medical, financial, and humanitarian aid as soon as possible. It is also clear that the cries for help rising from our community are increasing day by day...

The church foundation has applied for a 25-million TL grant allocated by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism specifically for the restoration of historical structures following the earthquakes. Yusuf Tabaş, President of the Foundation, told Agosthat they have not yet received a response regarding their application.

Tabaş, who attended the ERVAB (Union of Armenian Foundations) meeting on March 2, noted that he received pledges of support from other church foundation boards for the restoration project. The total cost for the restoration of the church, the shops, and the outbuildings is estimated to reach approximately 77 million TL.

The self-satisfied expression of pride on Epstein’s face—his certainty that he has done exactly what befits him—felt painfully familiar. Every woman who grew up in Turkey in the 1980s experienced open harassment, because it was never considered strange for the men in her family to read newspapers filled with pornographic images. Reading those papers at home or in public, thrusting them into women’s sight, normalizing this as an ordinary part of life—this was overt, unabashed harassment for all of us. Parents who failed to recognize that girls must be protected from both adult and underage men actively contributed to raising sons who felt entitled to do whatever they could.Families—and entire neighborhoods—chose to shield the abusive boys, uncles, fathers, and brothers among them. They normalized the perpetrators’ actions while accusing and punishing the victims as deviant. The message was crystal clear: harassment and rape are normal components of male sexuality. And this norm is reinforced by women’s silence—by the “justified” shame imposed on those born into the supposedly deficient, non-male sex.

The crimes that have exploded like a bomb in the white world with the Epstein file are not aberrations; they are essential to the colonial order. Indeed, they are no different from what occurred daily on the plantations where enslaved people were forced to labor in America. To express shock at such crimes requires ignoring the colonial violence accumulated over centuries by humanity’s blindingly white half. As the colonial knowledge of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries was obscured by nationalist theories, empires transformed into nation-states, and that knowledge became a founding pillar of white supremacy. The foundational knowledge that nourished Epstein and allowed that smile to settle on his face is precisely this accumulated knowledge.

Epstein’s victims call themselves “survivors.” We are told there are a thousand of them; when we consider their families, we are speaking of thousands—perhaps tens of thousands—of victims. We live in a time when the law has almost entirely severed its connection to justice. Legal processes—when they function at all—rarely go beyond technical mediation. In doing so, they require perpetrators to confront victims, compel victims to “find a language,” to recount repeatedly “what happened.” Yet as this case demonstrates, when everything is already laid bare, when crime has wholly supplanted normality, when crime is served up as a daily breakfast routine, as entertainment, as pleasure—and when thousands line up to partake in the crime—how meaningful is it to claim that justice can be established through law?

Given the limitations of the legal mechanisms available to us, revelation is an important tool. But the crucial question is how to make this mechanism function in a way that protects victims—survivors—most effectively. We must consider how to prevent survivors from being left alone, and how to ensure that those exposed remain condemned in the public conscience for decades.

Several years ago, researching an 1856 case of incest, abortion, and divorce within the Armenian administration of Akşehir fundamentally transformed my understanding of exposure. While studying Armenian canon law, I examined the place of incest within it and, drawing on the work of Nerses Melik-Tankyan, wrote that incest was treated as equivalent to murder under Armenian church law. This was such an accurate characterization. It may have been my ignorance, but until then I had not encountered any legal framework that defined incest as murder. And indeed, if a process that kills a woman’s spirit—reducing her to unarticulated aggression, driving her toward psychiatric confinement, toward madness, toward the erasure of her life—if that is not murder, then what is?

Armenian church law treated the perpetrator of incest as a murderer and required him to perform public penance before his community for twenty years. Let us consider what it means for a person to confess and repent publicly every Sunday for two decades. Everyone in the place where he lived would know that he had committed this crime; this knowledge would pass down through generations. The person he harmed would live not alongside denial, but alongside a man visibly paying the price for the crime he committed against her. I do not know whether this was implemented exactly as prescribed in practice. You may ask how such a system could function in a “modern” society. Even so, as knowledge distilled from centuries of legal experience about how such crimes should be evaluated, it offers a powerful point of reference.

I also find it crucial that the woman in that case did not withdraw her testimony—that she did not retract her statement that she had become pregnant by her uncle. Another document from Istanbul shows a family making a serious claim for compensation in a similar case involving their daughter. Moreover, we see that the woman’s family did not abandon the lawsuit. There was a time when broken arms did not remain hidden in sleeves. Let it be our task to adapt the experience of that time to our own and to consider what kind of collective mechanisms we might build today.

The region is currently in a very volatile state. Iran is at war with America and Israel; we know there are mutual attacks, and Iran’s spiritual leader has been killed. Armenia officially contacted the Iranian side on the third day of the war, expressing condolences and offering humanitarian aid. Can you explain the reasons for this diplomatic delay?

I would not characterize this as a "delay" on the part of the Republic of Armenia, because reactions are not limited to public statements. Armenia’s response to the situation is, first and foremost, to analyze what is happening in the region and how it might affect Armenia. In other words, it was not a delay. There were contacts and meetings with the parties throughout the process.

The situation in Iran is quite difficult, as it is in the Gulf countries, because Iran is also attacking American military bases there. There are Armenian citizens and representatives of the Armenian diaspora in both Iran and the Gulf. Is there any work being done to evacuate these people?

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) has issued several statements indicating that our diplomatic missions in the aforementioned countries are actively dealing with this issue. There is a hotline, and we are in active contact with our citizens. I hope people will reach Armenia in the near future.

Armenia's Ambassador to Iran held a press conference yesterday and presented Yerevan’s official view. He mentioned that Armenia and Iran are developing a strategic cooperation document that could be signed this year. Given the current situation—where we have a document on strategic relations with the US on one hand and are developing a similar one with Iran on the other, while these two sides are in a bloody war—how will we balance these interests?

The Armenian government has repeatedly and publicly stated its goals to establish a strategic partnership with Iran. Therefore, this situation is not a surprise to our citizens or our friendly and partner states, including the US. Generally, the Republic of Armenia conducts its foreign relations as follows: we are very transparent when building relationships and clearly state what is acceptable or unacceptable for us.

We have been very transparent with the US and emphasized the importance of Iran as a crucial southern neighbor for us. Of course, there are many reasons for this. As you correctly noted, these military operations involve states that are key and friendly to Armenia. In this case, all of Armenia's statements and positions must stem solely from our state interests. Our position is clear: every step must first and foremost express our own interests.

Does this mean the document on establishing strategic relations with Iran will be signed? What is Yerevan’s current perspective?

The MFA will announce this when the time is right. I cannot make any claims regarding changes. As for exactly when the strategic partnership document will be signed, the MFA will clarify that.

Since you served as Ambassador to the US for a long time, how would Washington react if Armenia does not change its stance on this document and continues negotiations? For example, VP Vance was recently in Armenia and expressed clear support for Armenian officials, especially PM Nikol Pashinyan.

We are transparent in our relations with all our allies and partners. Regarding the US, we are aware of the sensitivity of the Iran factor for them, but Armenia has always clearly stated that while trying to normalize relations with its two difficult neighbors (Turkey and Azerbaijan), it does not aim to complicate or worsen relations with other neighbors.

The second point is that we clearly state to all our partners what is possible for us and what our red lines are. The third important aspect is the predictability of states' behavior. Will a specific state use its relations against a third state? The Republic of Armenia does not position itself this way. There are criticisms about whether our relations with the US could be used against any of our neighbors. Of course not; there is no such thing. Likewise, our relations with our neighbors cannot be used against another state.

To simplify: Armenia says to the US, “We are building similar relations with Iran, but we have no intention of harming you with this,” and vice versa. Is that correct?

Exactly. You are quite right; that is precisely the case.

Is this accepted calmly, or is there any opposition?

It requires difficult, daily, meticulous, and consistent work. Achieving this perception is not easy... And I can confidently say that currently, the US has a clear perception of Armenia's relationship with all its neighbors.

The wife of Jirayr Garibgün, one of the former presidents of the Samatya Surp Kevork Church Foundation, Talin Çortan Garibgün is survived by a daughter and a son.

As Agos, we offer our deepest condolences and wish patience to her family, her loved ones, the Çortan and Garibgün families, and Tarkmanças School, where she most recently served.

The American neocons had great plans for the Middle East. By occupying Iraq, and using its limitless oil reserves, they planned to finance a new Middle East dominated by America, and friendly to Israel. They did not trust their traditional allies, the Saudis, who were in the grips of a Salafi-Jihadi ideology. And by dominating over the Middle Eastern hydrocarbons (25% of global exports), the US could exert its influence far beyond, over Europe, India, and especially on China.

Yet wars have a bad habit of not following the original plan. The influential Sunni officers of Saddam’s security forces, who were ejected from power by the US occupation, rebelled against the occupation, used roadside bombs for which US troops were not ready for, and caused over 4’000 American casualties, and trillions of dollars. That was not the worst: the American occupation handed the keys of Baghdad to pro-Iranian Shia parties namely al-Da’wa and the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, both closely associated with the Iranian regime. Americans, with their 2003 invasion, not only eliminated Saddam, Iran’s main enemy, handed Iraq and its resources to the Mullahs, but also in an overnight they turned the Islamic Republic of Iran into a regional empire, stretching from Tehran all the way to South Lebanon and beyond.

The Islamic Republic of Iran exaggerated its outreach, leading wars from Syria to Yemen. While Barak Obama tolerated the Iranian expansion, even collaborated with the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps of Qasem Soleimani to fight Daesh in Iraq and Syria, Donald Trump and his Israeli allies did not tolerate that. The assassination of Soleimani in 2020, even before the Hamas attacks of October 7, 2023, was the count-down of reshaping the regional (dis)order. The pretext is the Iranian nuclear weapons, just like Saddam’s chemical and biological weapons, but that is only the pretext as the aim is total domination over the Middle East.

Yet the Iranian leadership did not understand that the times were changing. With the start of the Gaza war, the Lebanese Hizballah launched its “Support War” (H’arb al-isnad), giving Israel the pretext to turn the Genocidal war against the Palestinians into a total war to redraw the map of the Middle East. Ali Larijani, one of the powerful personalities in Iran, wrote on March 2, 2026, in Arabic on “X”: “We will not negotiate with the United States”. His words only confirm the hopeless situation after an Israeli-US air attack assassinated the Spiritual Leader of the Islamic State Ali Khamenei. A total war it is, pushing the Iranian ruling circles into a mystic sense of martyrdom. They are now throwing all that they have into this total war; either they survive and preserve their regime, or they perish fighting a war they did not choose.

This suicidal, “end-of-the-times” mindset is evident from Iran sending its drones and missiles on all Gulf countries. It is also evident from ordering the Lebanese Hizballah to launch a few Katyusha missiles on northern Israel, although the Lebanese Shiite militia was decapitated in its conflict with Israel in 2024. The few primitive Katyushas do not make any sense militarily, but will plunge Lebanon and especially its Shiite population into a merciless Israeli retaliation.

The current war in the Middle East is the modified continuation of the 2003 invasion. Yet it is necessary to underline the differences as well. Unlike in Iraq in 2003, there will be no foreign occupation, no American “boots on the ground”. The American-Israeli alliance do not aim at changing the Iranian regime with another, loyal one. The bombing waves that are targeting the Revolutionary Guards, the Basij, and even Police offices suggest an intention to degrade the central state structures and leave Iran to become a “failed state”.

There are no guarantees that the decline of Iran will lead to regional stability. A new regional conflict is already brewing on the horizon: a new confrontation between Isreal and Turkey. Israeli officials – former and current – are increasingly describing Turkey as “The New Iran”, and that Türkiye poses a threat to Israel through a “Sunni alliance”. Therefore, the current military madness is not a “war to end all wars”, but just one more on the way of Israel becoming the uncontested regional hegemon. But it seems rulers in America and Israel fail to understand that it is not possible to dominate and to rule with blood and iron only.

Under the mentorship of Alen Taşçıoğlu, one of the school's computer science teachers, the team—consisting of 11th-grade students Talya Kuyumcu, Sara Demirciyan, Liana A. Kuyumciyan, and Anita Çilingir—secured first place in the organization. They received full marks from the jury for their innovative ideas and implementation success aimed at raising awareness on environmental sustainability and conscious consumption. Furthermore, the Getronagan students and their mentors, who stood out for their problem-solving skills and bold visions for the future, received a great round of applause at the end of the event.

The leaders of the three countries stated in the joint communique that they were “appalled by Iran’s indiscriminate and disproportionate missile attacks against countries in the region, including those that did not participate in the initial US and Israeli military operations.”

The statement continued: “The E3 leaders are appalled by Iran’s indiscriminate and disproportionate missile attacks against regional countries, including those that did not take part in the initial US and Israeli military operations. Iran’s reckless attacks have targeted our close allies and threaten our military personnel and civilians in the region.”

Cooperation with the United States

Calling on Iran to immediately cease its attacks, the statement noted that steps would be taken to defend the interests of the E3 countries and their regional allies, including “supporting necessary and proportionate defensive measures to destroy Iran’s missile and UAV launch capacity at the source.” The leaders also agreed to cooperate closely with the United States and regional allies to address the situation.

Following the US and Israeli strikes on Iran—which killed several high-ranking Iranian leaders, including the country’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei—Tehran responded with a series of drone and missile attacks targeting Israel, US assets, and various Gulf nations.

A spokesperson for the German military (Bundeswehr) confirmed media reports to AFP, stating that Iran's attacks targeted a multinational military base near Erbil in northern Iraq and a German military camp in eastern Jordan. They added that there were no casualties in the attacks.

Meanwhile, French broadcaster BFMTV reported on Sunday that France has decided to redeploy the aircraft carrier Charles de Gaulle and its naval strike group to the Eastern Mediterranean, cutting short their mission in the Baltic Sea due to rising regional tensions. This move followed a meeting of the National Defense and Security Council held by President Emmanuel Macron at the Elysee Palace to assess the evolving security situation.

"Iran Sees Revenge as a Duty and a Right"

Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian described the killing of Khamenei as a “declaration of war against Muslims” and warned: “Iran considers taking revenge on the perpetrators and instigators of this historic crime as its legitimate duty and right.”

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi told the US network ABC News on Sunday, “We will defend ourselves by doing whatever is necessary, and we set no limits for ourselves in defending and protecting our people.”

Sources: Anadolu Agency, France 24

So, day and night, I roamed the back streets of Beyoğlu, Istiklal and Taksim. It never even occured to me to visit Üsküdar, Beşiktaş Kadikoy or Kinali, even though they were names that had impressed me in my youth in Beirut, when our teachers had introduced us to the works of Istanbul’s Armenian writers like Sibil, Baronyan, Yesayan etc...sometimes I think it was as if I went through a short period of Amnesia during that first visit to Istanbul: as if forgot that their writings had talked about Pera, the ferryboats to the other side of the Bosphorous or the tramways. How much I had dreamt about all the streets and neighbourhoods those writers had mentioned when I had first read their stories!

But my days here were not wasted just hybernating. My camera was with me all the time and I photographed a lot. I was also very curious about Agos. Even though I had discovered who Hrant was just a year or so beforehand, I really wanted to visit the Paper and express my condolences. But it was August 2007 and only a few months had passed since his tragic death. I did not dare ask just anyone on the street about how I could go to Agos. The couple of times that I overheard Armenian words whispered on the Street and I approached the people, stating who I was in Armenian, resulted in cool reception. I asked about the paper, about Armenian churches and how I could visit the Patriarchate, but they did not help. It was as if I was someone to be suspiscious of.

One of the things that I wanted to do while in Istanbul, was to find CD albums of the music band Vova. Sure, back home in Toronto, we had cassette tape copies of their songs that my brother Hratch had brought back from Armenia. We loved those songs. But we did not know if they were from a single album or a potpurry of a few albums. I had thought  that maybe I will buy all their albums in Istanbul. So every time I passed a music store, I went in and asked but always came out disappointed. No one had any of their albums. I think on the third  day I went into a bookstore on Istiklal to ask for Turkish fiction in English translation, and I noticed a whole shelf of music CDs. A young man approached me and realizing that I was a foreigner, aked me with hand and face gestures accompanied by the very few English words he knew, what I was looking for. I wrote down the words Vova and Hemshin on a scrap of paper and showed it to him. He nodded a ‘yes’ with his head and brought me a CD. He also said the words ‘tek album’ with an apologetic smile. I knew what tek meant. He made my day nevertheless.

His name was Murat and coincidentally a Diyarbekir Kurd who claimed a big love for Armenians. Vova’s music brought us together and for the next days, I passed by his workplace every day to say hello. He had also indicated that he would help me with any question I had. And believe me, he did. The next day, when I stopped by the bookstore to ask for some information, he he kept saying the words ermeni patrikhane, kumkapi and maryam ane kilise. I knew most of the words except for patrikhane and kilise. He kept saying, ‘you must, you must. Beautiful’. After a while, seeing that my puzzled face was not changing, he took out a piece of paper and drew a chuch dome with a cross on the paper and kept saying ‘maryam ane kilise…kilise, kilise. patrikhane. Kumkapi’. Finally it dawned on me that  he was talking about a church called mother Mary in the patriarchate in Kumkapi. He drew up a route for me to go there. My good old only friend Murat! How much I wanted to see him again when a few years later I moved to Istanbul. The store was closed and there was no Murat any more. But this photo of a wedding I witnessed at Meryem Ane kilisesi in Kumkapi, was taken that same day he sent me there. His smile always flashes in my memory every time I happen to go to Kumkapi.

In a statement attributed to the Supreme National Security Council, no details were provided regarding how Khamenei was killed or who might succeed him.

Official media stated that Khamenei's daughter, son-in-law, and grandchildren were also killed alongside him in the attack. The Fars News Agency, which is linked to the Revolutionary Guards, reported that one of Khamenei’s daughters-in-law was among the dead. The statement also emphasized that Khamenei’s "martyrdom will be the beginning of an uprising against oppressors."

Unconfirmed for Hours

Earlier, US President Donald Trump had announced that Ayatollah Ali Khamenei was killed in the joint attacks conducted with Israel.

In a written statement released on his social media platform, Truth Social, Donald Trump stated, "Khamenei, one of the most evil people in history, is dead."

Trump added, "He could not escape our intelligence and highly advanced tracking systems; because we worked in close cooperation with Israel, neither he nor the other leaders killed with him could do anything."

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu also stated on Saturday evening that there were an increasing number of signs confirming Khamenei’s death.

Trump also noted that many of Iran's top leaders lost their lives in the strikes. In his speech, Netanyahu said, "This morning, we eliminated senior officials of the Ayatollah regime, Revolutionary Guard commanders, and top figures of the nuclear program, and we will continue."

The attacks, which began yesterday morning, targeted many key locations, including Khamenei’s compound.

According to the Iranian constitution, Khamenei’s successor is chosen by the Assembly of Experts, which consists of 88 clerics who also select the leader. In reality, only the names most loyal to the Islamic Republic are allowed to run for candidacy. Consequently, the majority of the clerics in the current assembly are at least as hardline as Ayatollah Khamenei.

Iran: It Will Not Go Unpunished

Following the announcement of Khamenei’s death, the Iranian government issued a statement.

Declaring that the attack in which Khamenei was killed would not go unpunished, the statement noted that those responsible and those who gave the orders "will be made to regret it." The Iranian Presidency also noted in a statement that the attack on Khamenei "will not go unpunished."

However, high-ranking Iranian officials were not the only casualties. In the attacks carried out by the US and Israel, at least 115 girls died when the Shahare Tayyebeh school in the Minab district of Hormozgan province was hit. Witnesses reported seeing the lifeless bodies of girls aged between 7 and 12 lying inside their school.

According to the city's mayor, at least 115 people—almost all of them schoolgirls—lost their lives in the airstrike on the elementary school located in southern Iran. Iran's Tasnim and Fars news agencies reported that the victims were between the ages of 7 and 12.

A staff member at the Minab school, who requested anonymity, told Middle East Eye that she remains in shock over the severity of the attack. The woman stated that she had stepped out of the school to run an errand when she suddenly heard a terrifying noise. Within seconds, a missile—or something similar—struck the school building.

She rushed back toward the school after hearing the blast and encountered a scene she says she will never forget: "You could hear the children crying and screaming."

"We still don't know how many people are under the rubble. Some say it's more than 100. Some of these children are in critical condition. Their families have come to the school, and it has turned into a house of mourning."

The airstrike on the school left many inside trapped under the debris. Search and rescue operations are still ongoing.

Iran vows revenge

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi condemned the attack on X, stating that the deaths of the children "will not go unanswered."

In response, Iran launched retaliatory strikes against Israel. Additionally, various targets in the region were hit, including the US Navy in Bahrain. In the United Arab Emirates, at least four people were injured at a luxury hotel in Dubai, and one civilian died in Abu Dhabi due to debris following an "attack involving Iranian ballistic missiles."

A "special and permanent state of emergency" has been declared in Israel.

In the statement, issued under the signature of Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, it was stated that the country's "territorial integrity" and "national sovereignty" were clearly violated. Confirming that defense infrastructure and military facilities were targeted, the statement said: "This new military aggression by the US and the Zionist regime against Iran is a clear crime committed against the Islamic Republic of Iran. This act is a blatant violation of Article 2, Paragraph 4 of the United Nations Charter and is contrary to international law and the sovereignty of states."

The statement, noting that Iran's "national interests" and security were targeted, declared that Iran would exercise its right to legitimate self-defense arising from international law.

The statement continued with the following remarks: "This constitutes an armed attack against Iran. Therefore, Iran possesses the right to exercise its right to self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter." The statement further added: "The Republic of Iran demands the UN Security Council take urgent and effective steps against this aggression, which threatens international peace and security. The UN Secretary-General and the members of the Security Council must take the necessary initiatives within the framework of their duties and responsibilities.

All UN member states, particularly regional and Islamic countries, are expected to condemn this blatant aggression and fulfill their collective responsibilities for the protection of international peace and security. Throughout history, the Iranian people have resisted all forms of attack and tyranny and have never surrendered. With its faith in God and its resilience, this nation will respond to this attack with determination. History has shown that Iranians have never bowed down to aggression and tyranny. This time, the Iranian nation will display a firm and decisive stance, and the aggressors will regret their actions."

Sirens were heard throughout Israel while the attacks continued. However, the Israeli Ministry of Defense informed citizens that there was no need to enter shelters at this stage. Israeli airspace has been closed.

Trump: It Will Be Large-Scale

US President Donald Trump spoke regarding the joint US-Israeli strikes on Iran, stating, "We have launched a major operation against Iran." Trump released a video statement regarding the attacks via his social media account.

"We have launched a major operation against Iran," Trump said, explaining the objective of the attack as follows:

"Our goal is to defend the American people by eliminating the threats from the Iranian regime—a brutal group of very tough, horrible people who engage in activities that directly threaten the United States, our troops at overseas bases, and our allies around the world."

Trump called on the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), the Iranian armed forces, and police members to lay down their arms to obtain full immunity, saying, "Otherwise, you face death."

Emphasizing that US policy is centered on Iran not possessing nuclear weapons, Trump stated, "Iran can never have nuclear weapons. This is why, as part of 'Operation Midnight Hammer' held last June, we destroyed the regime's nuclear programs in Fordow, Natanz, and Isfahan."

Trump argued that they had repeatedly warned Iran regarding nuclear weapons following the operation in June 2025 and had tried to reach an agreement. Additionally, Trump characterized the military action in Iran as a "large-scale and ongoing" operation aimed at preventing the country from endangering the lives of US citizens.

According to unconfirmed reports in the Israeli press, one of the targets is the Iranian presidential building. Furthermore, it is stated that the strikes are targeting locations from which Iran could potentially attack Israel.

Retaliation Statement from Iran

Ebrahim Azizi, Chairman of the Iranian Parliament's National Security Council, announced that they would retaliate against the Israeli attack.

Israeli Military: Missiles Fired from Iran to Israel

The Israeli military announced that missiles were fired from Iran toward Israel. The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) announced that defense systems were activated to intercept the missiles. Meanwhile, according to Al Jazeera, the sounds of explosions were heard in northern Israel.

"Nournews," known for its proximity to Iran’s security bureaucracy, reported that dozens of ballistic missiles were fired at Israel in response to the US and Israeli attacks.

"US Attack to Last Several Days"

Speaking to Reuters, a US official said the operation launched by the US and Israel is expected to last for several days.

It was revealed that prior to the reassignment in October 2025, various complaints had been filed against Güşeli by his colleagues to the Avcılar District Directorate of National Education. The complaint petitions alleged that since the 2023-2024 academic year, Güşeli had "engaged in labeling, speech, and behavior that offended students in his classes; continuously introduced extracurricular political, racial, religious, and sectarian topics instead of following the official curriculum, thereby causing discomfort among students; discriminated by holding Alevism superior to other races and beliefs; made praising or supportive remarks about Armenians and Selahattin Demirtaş; engaged in ideological taunting through Agos and Evrensel newspapers, disturbing other teachers and the peace of the school; used inappropriate and insulting language and epithets toward teachers; failed to comply with majority opinions and decisions; and hindered school and departmental cooperation by imposing his own wishes and thoughts." While the Avcılar District Governorate requested an investigation, the Avcılar District Directorate of National Education appointed two investigators to substantiate the nature of the allegations.

Allegations of obstructing the use of the workspace

According to information obtained from Güşeli’s lawyer, Bilgütay Hakkı Durna, the appointed investigators heard the complaints and requested disciplinary action against Güşeli. The petitions included allegations that "he spread Agos and Evrensel newspapers on the teachers' lounge table, reacted when the newspapers were moved aside, left the newspapers open when he left, negatively affected the order and cleanliness of the teachers' common area, made it difficult to use the workspace, entered into arguments with teachers, disrupted the school's peace, deviated from the curriculum in lessons, and portrayed Alevis as superior." The investigators subsequently took İsmibey Güşeli's statement regarding these allegations.

Spouse’s health issues disregarded

The Istanbul Provincial Directorate of National Education first imposed disciplinary penalties of "1-year suspension of professional step advancement" (which, since he is at the 4th step of the 1st degree, resulted in a 1/4 deduction from his gross salary) and a "1/30 salary deduction." Subsequently, the decision was made to reassign Güşeli from his current school to Küçükçekmece Kadriye Moroğlu Anatolian High School. Güşeli filed a lawsuit for the annulment of the penalties. The lawsuit petition stated that Güşeli’s right to defense was restricted and the presumption of innocence was violated.

The petition noted that, despite a written request, the investigation file was provided to Güşeli in a highly incomplete form, preventing him from making an effective defense, and that he was not informed of the exact nature of the charges or how the attributed acts constituted a disciplinary offense.

According to the petition, Güşeli resides in Esenyurt, and his commute to the school in Avcılar took 20 minutes; it is crucial for him to be in a school near his home due to an accident his wife suffered. However, the petition emphasized that Güşeli’s mobility was restricted upon his reassignment to Küçükçekmece. According to the petition, the family has two children. Due to his wife’s health problems, Güşeli must drop the children off at school himself, a situation that creates further hardship.

Request for reassignment to Esenyurt rejected

The petition stated that although Güşeli repeatedly notified the Istanbul Provincial Directorate of National Education, both verbally and in writing, of his request to be assigned to one of the schools in the Esenyurt district—where there is a teacher shortage—the family's special circumstances were not taken into account.

Speaking to Agos, Güşeli’s lawyer, Bilgütay Hakkı Durna, stated that the Administrative Court rejected the request for a stay of execution regarding the cancellation of the reassignment and that the file is currently before the Regional Court of Appeals (İstinaf). Lawyer Durna also noted that separate lawsuits have been filed for the disciplinary penalties and that the legal process is ongoing.

In the speeches delivered during the ceremony on Sunday, February 21, striking warnings were issued regarding current global crises and the rising far-right, alongside the heritage of past resistance.

"Establishing Peace is the Greatest of Struggles"

Edmond Yanekian, President of the Armenian Cultural Union of Montreuil, took the floor and emphasized that memory must encompass not only the past but also the present. Yanekian criticized international diplomacy by pointing to conflicts in regions such as Ukraine and Nagorno-Karabakh.

"They were Jews, Spaniards, Italians, Armenians from various Eastern European countries like Poland, Hungary, and Romania, and two of them were French. Most had fled persecution in their own countries, yet the struggle they waged by making the ultimate sacrifice for freedom has forever etched their names into France’s Panthéon.

This was the case for Missak Manouchian, a survivor of the first genocide of the 20th century. It was the same for his Jewish comrades who suffered persecution in various European countries before the Holocaust, for Italians or Spaniards who were victims of dictatorship and fascism, and for Poles, Hungarians, or Romanians. They all had common reasons not to submit to the German occupation. They all shared a vision of a better, fairer, and more fraternal society.

Nothing had predetermined that Missak Manouchian would become the man history remembers today. In 1934, he joined the French Communist Party, where he found the opportunity to express his beliefs freely.

His pride and commitment as a militant inspired Manouchian to pour his feelings and solidarity with the working class into poems titled 'The Unemployed,' 'Staying Awake,' or 'Tailors.' However, he was not a man to settle for a merely intellectual approach. He aided all social struggles against injustice.

He supported the young Soviet Armenian Republic through the Armenian Relief Committee (HOK), where he served as secretary. Alongside Henri Barbusse and Romain Rolland, he took part in the Amsterdam-Pleyel movement against war and fascism. He joined the Popular Front (Front Populaire). He was a member of the Aid Committee for Spanish Republicans. After being imprisoned twice, he joined the FTP-MOI to take part in the resistance. Within a very short time, the record of the Manouchian group was striking: 56 attacks, 150 dead, 600 wounded.

These actions shook the morale of the Nazi troops. High-ranking officials of the Nazi regime, such as Julius von Ritter, who was responsible for the Compulsory Labor Service (STO) in France, were punished. This action was carried out in Trocadéro, Paris, under the responsibility of Marcel Rayman.

This commemoration is not just about a past era. Unfortunately, the same evils continue to gnaw at our societies today. Our vigilance and determination to act against the rise of racist, xenophobic, nationalist, and extremist ideologies must be maintained with the resolve required by respect for the most fundamental rights of a human being, regardless of their origin, skin color, or religion.

Although history is never written exactly the same way, the consequences of wars are always tragic. The war in Ukraine is unfortunately the worst example of this, with the risk of spreading to all of Europe and even beyond. Today, we strongly condemn Russia’s aggression against a state within its internationally recognized borders. Nevertheless, we believe that since the dissolution of the USSR, everything has not been done to prevent these tensions—which affect the world and especially Ukraine today—from escalating and reaching a deadlock. As Jean Jaurès reminded us, our common compass must be the defense of peace.

To quote him: 'Establishing peace is the greatest of struggles.' Even though we are aware of the complexity of the context and the magnitude of today’s task... The resolution of tensions and conflicts in the world unfortunately often gets lost in the geopolitical labyrinths of an unfinished diplomacy that lacks a perspective for a lasting solution, as seen in the Israel-Palestine conflict.

There is another conflict that concerns us closely: Nagorno-Karabakh. To be honest, this issue does not interest many people. The ethnic cleansing applied by Azerbaijan against the Karabakh Armenians, who have lived on their ancestral lands for thousands of years, along with the heavy humanitarian crisis it brings and the destruction of monuments and places of worship that witness an ancient civilization, creates a conflictual environment that could even threaten the very existence of Armenia today.

Today, Armenia and its people are once again under the threat of extinction on their own lands, which were registered with the Alma-Ata Protocols in December 1991. Faced with this threat, the Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention had issued a warning in January 2023 regarding Azerbaijan’s actions.

Missak Manouchian and his comrades belong to the history of France. It is a duty for current and future generations to remember the sacrifice of those executed by firing squad along with the Red Poster (L’Affiche Rouge). Our loyalty to the values embodied by the Manouchian group, and more broadly by the resistance in all its diversity, must never waver."

Heroes Whose Names Are Difficult to Pronounce

Méline Le Gourriérec, Municipal Councilor for Youth and Memory in Montreuil, touched upon the importance of the "immigrant resistance fighter" identity represented by the Manouchian group in today’s political atmosphere. Issuing warnings as a report against the global rise of far-right ideologies, Le Gourriérec pointed to the risk of history repeating itself.

“Most of these 23 people were immigrants who had been exiled, either themselves or their families, due to fascism or poverty in their countries. They were women and men from elsewhere who chose to defend France, even though it sometimes welcomed them poorly. They fought until death for the liberation of this country, which they believed to be the land of freedom and human rights and saw as their new homeland.

They were communists and were burning with ideals of fraternity. What a great lesson it is that these women and men, whose names are so difficult even to pronounce, have become symbols of the French resistance in our country and far beyond. This country they took refuge in finally offered them the respect they deserved in 2024 by admitting Mélinée and Missak Manouchian to the Panthéon and placing a plaque to honor their comrades.

"Violence Starts Not with Rifles, but with Words"

Today, exactly 82 years after the execution of the Manouchian group, thousands of far-right militants, neo-Nazis coming from all over France and neighboring countries, are demonstrating freely in Lyon with the approval of the Minister of the Interior and under the protection of law enforcement.

In the 1930s, far-right groups were also marching in France. They were screaming their hatred for the Republic, foreigners, Jews, trade unionists, and communists. Many underestimated the danger they represented. We know the price that was paid for that.

In recent years, many have warned about the normalization of far-right ideas, their dominance in the media, and their electoral success in France. In the world, the ‘Brown Plague’ (fascism) has already infected many countries: Hungary with Orbán, Italy with Meloni, Slovakia with Fico, the Czech Republic with Babiš, Chile with Kast, Argentina with Milei, El Salvador with Bukele, the USA with Trump, Israel with Netanyahu... The list is long.

Yet history reminds us that political violence does not start with rifles; it starts with words, with the normalization of what is unacceptable.

The Struggle Against Racism, Antisemitism, and Islamophobia

Today, honoring the members of the Manouchian group is not just about laying a wreath; it is deciding to join together in the struggle against all forms of racism, antisemitism, Islamophobia, xenophobia, and exclusion. It is deciding together to fight for respect for the other, justice, equality between women and men, the rights of everyone, the right of peoples to self-determination, democracy, and peace. It is our responsibility to call fascism by its name. It is our responsibility to call racism by its name.

Over 80 years ago, the 23 members of the Manouchian group made a choice. Today, it is our turn to make a choice.”

The ceremony, the second major anniversary event held following the transfer of Missak and Mélinée Manouchian’s remains to the Panthéon in 2024, concluded with the laying of flowers at the monument. In addition to municipal officials, numerous representatives of non-governmental organizations and local residents attended the ceremony.

DEM Party announced that an event will be held in Ankara on Friday, February 27, regarding the first anniversary of PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan’s “Call for Peace and Democratic Society,” which he made on February 27, 2025, following the call by MHP Chairperson Devlet Bahçeli.

Evaluations of the process to be shared

In the statement, it was noted that evaluations regarding the stage reached within the scope of the “new dialogue process” over the past year and the future of the process will be shared with the press and the public. The statement also mentioned that Öcalan’s new message regarding the process would be conveyed.

The DEM Party statement announced that the event would take place on Friday, February 27, at 11:00 AM at the Yılmaz Güney Hall in the Çankaya district of Ankara.

The DEM Party Press Office shared an accreditation form for press members who will follow the meeting. It was stated that press workers who will follow the meeting—which will be attended by DEM Party Co-Chairs Tülay Hatimoğulları and Tuncer Bakırhan and members of the DEM Party Imrali Delegation—must fill out the accreditation form sent by 8:00 PM on February 26.

Background

PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan, whom MHP Chairperson Devlet Bahçeli called upon in Parliament to "end terrorist acts and dissolve [the organization]," announced on February 27, 2025, that his organization should dissolve itself and all groups should lay down their arms.

In Öcalan's call, the following statements were included: "In this climate formed by the call made by Mr. Devlet Bahçeli, the will put forward by Mr. President, and the positive approaches of other political parties toward the aforementioned call, I am making a call to lay down arms and assuming the historical responsibility for this call."

The process continued months after this call with a symbolic disarmament ceremony on July 11 and the establishment of the National Solidarity, Brotherhood, and Democracy Commission in Parliament on August 5, 2025.

In the process titled "Terror-Free Turkey" by the government, the joint report of the commission, which included political parties in Parliament, was most recently accepted unanimously.

Finally, following the acceptance of the report, Öcalan will send a new message to the public. Members of the DEM Party Imrali delegation—consisting of TBMM Deputy Speaker Pervin Buldan, DEM Party MP Mithat Sancar, and Faik Özgür Erol, one of the lawyers from Asrın Law Office—along with DEM Party Co-Chairs Tülay Hatimoğulları and Tuncer Bakırhan, will hold a press conference on Friday, February 27, the anniversary of Öcalan's "Call for Peace and Democratic Society."

The call for the march, which will be held for the 24th time this year, is as follows:

“We will change this system through our feminist struggle and solidarity. An equal and free world, where life is livable for us too, is possible. We stand together in every step against patriarchy—with our rebellion, our enthusiasm, our anger, and our joy. We are at the Feminist Night March at 7:30 PM on March 8.”

Lusine Gevorgyan, President of the Tourism Committee of Armenia, stated the following regarding the issue: “I am constantly asked whether there will be direct flights from Yerevan to Los Angeles; THY operates such flights and has this potential. I cannot yet say how they will respond, but as the world’s third most powerful airline, they could create the possibility of direct flights between Yerevan and Los Angeles. This is one of the destinations we have just started negotiating; I cannot say when it will happen at the moment, but we are giving this matter our full attention.”

Turkish Airlines will begin organizing direct flights to Yerevan starting in March. The frequency of the Istanbul-Yerevan flights, which will be carried out 7 days a week starting from March 11, 2026, will increase to 10 per week as of May 14. As of June 15, flights will be operated 14 times a week. The airline has also launched advertising campaigns targeting Armenian-speaking users on social networks regarding the new flights planned from Yerevan this year.

The full text of Minister Mirzoyan's speech at the Human Rights Council is as follows:

"Mr. President, Excellencies,

First of all, let me convey my most sincere congratulations to the President of the Human Rights Council and the members of the bureau on their election. On this occasion, I would also like to express my deep gratitude to the High Commissioner for Human Rights and his Office.

Armenia's vision and goals are based on the belief that the human rights pillar of the United Nations must be further strengthened and appropriately supported with the necessary resources to prevent violations of international human rights law and humanitarian law, ensure accountability, and prevent the recurrence of these violations.

In addition to increasing conflicts and humanitarian crises, systemic inequalities and their irreversible global consequences require a highly determined approach. Armenia is ready to ensure that the current 'UN 80' initiative and the upcoming review process of the Human Rights Council turn into an important opportunity for concrete actions and a sincere assessment that will strengthen the Human Rights Council and its mechanisms as the fundamental building blocks of the UN's human rights architecture.

Distinguished colleagues,

Like many other democracies today, our society faces a powerful wave of hybrid threats, including disinformation, manipulation, and foreign interference. These are deliberate, coordinated, and unfriendly campaigns aimed at achieving specific goals, including undermining our citizens' trust in democratic institutions and the effective implementation of human rights. Facing these challenges has become a part of our daily work by continuously strengthening our democratic resilience.

Significant reforms implemented over the years, the elevation of policies based on the rule of law and human rights to a higher level, as well as transparent and accountable institutions, have provided concrete development results reflected in internationally recognized indices. In Freedom House's 'Freedom in the World 2025' report, Armenia showed high performance in the areas of political rights and civil liberties, receiving a score of 54 out of 100.

It is also a remarkable result that in 2025, Armenia made significant progress in the 'World Press Freedom Index - 2025' report by the Reporters Without Borders organization, rising to 34th place compared to 43rd place the previous year.

According to the World Economic Forum's '2025 Global Gender Gap' report, Armenia is among the leading countries in the indicator of women's education level and is recording a steady increase in the representation of women in all areas of political life.

In line with Armenia's commitment to the coordinated and effective implementation of its international obligations in the field of human rights, the Armenia Monitoring Digital Platform (AI-NEMRA), a digital tool of a national mechanism aimed at strengthening international accountability, was launched last year. This structure is a centralized system that brings together recommendations provided by international and regional mechanisms in the field of human rights.

However, Armenia's engagement in this field is not limited only to internal implementation frameworks. We aspire to make a significant contribution to the strengthening of global protection mechanisms against the gravest violations of international law. In this context, at the current session of the Human Rights Council, Armenia will once again submit the draft resolution titled 'Prevention of Genocide.' The progressive development of this resolution has reflected new challenges arising at the intersection of international human rights law, international humanitarian law, and international criminal law, and has created an international consensus around tools to address them. The support of all member states for this important resolution will be the most needed indicator of our common obligation to end the scourge of genocide.

Excellencies,

After decades of armed conflict and humanitarian crises, Armenia and Azerbaijan have taken decisive steps toward establishing long-term peace in our region. The Peace Summit held in Washington last year not only established peace between the two countries but also paved the way for trade, mutual connectivity, and people-to-people contacts. To carry this path beyond the agreements reached between governments, we are laying the foundations for genuine dialogue and trust between our societies, including the population affected by the conflicts.

Although the painful humanitarian consequences of the conflict still await resolution and the wounds of the not-so-distant past remain open, we have chosen the difficult path of reconciliation. This is undoubtedly a complex process, considering that 19 Armenian detainees are still in Baku, the need to clarify the fate of missing persons and uncover cases of enforced disappearances continues, and distorted historical narratives are simultaneously being spread. Nevertheless, with the awareness that the further institutionalization of peace will create a more favorable environment for addressing the consequences of the conflict, Armenia remains determined to maintain this path in order to reach a future-oriented harbor.

Mr. President,

In closing, I would like to emphasize that despite the immense pressure on multilateral institutions, we must maintain our principled optimism and express our deep conviction that the human rights system and the United Nations itself will emerge from this process with renewed capacities to fulfill their global mandates.

Thank you."

(Armenpress)